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No. I 




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SMITH'S TRUE RELATION 




A 



Crue Eektion 



OF 



VIRGINIA 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 



By CHARLES DEANE 

7 



xi. 




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W I G G I N AND L U N T 

MDCCCLXVI 
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EDITION : 

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Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866, by 

WiGGIN AND LUNT, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



Cambridge : Press of John Wilson and Sons. 





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PREFACE TO THIS EDITION. 



^ 



HE tra6l here reprinted from the original 
black-letter volume is the earliest pub- 
lished work relating to the colony at 
Jamestown, Virginia (the first permanent 
English settlement in North America), 
which is known to bibliographers; having been is- 
sued the year after the settlement was made. It 
was written by Captain John Smith, the master- 
spirit of the colony, and, as will be seen, in the 
first person. It records the events which took place 
under his own observation for a period of a little over 
thirteen months, and embraces the time from the 
arrival of the colonists at Cape Henry, on the 26th of 
April, 1607, to the return of Captain Nelson in the 
*' Phoenix," on the 2d of June, 1608. This is the first 
printed work of Captain Smith, who was destined to 
make some figure as an author. It was penned in 
the country of which he writes, and probably was 
not intended for publication. 

d [ix] 



X Preface. 

The manuscript, not improbably, was taken to Eng- 
land by Captain Nelson, who, without unusual delays, 
would have arrived home some time in July. We 
have no means of knowing to whom the narrative was 
addressed. It appears to have circulated for a time in 
private among persons interested in the colony, and 
then to have found its way into print. By a singular 
misapprehension as to its authorship, some of the ear- 
lier issued copies bore the name of " Thomas Watson, 
Gent, one of said Collony," as the writer. The error 
appears to have been very soon discovered and cor- 
re6led, and the name of Captain Smith substituted on 
the titlepage ; and, in the preface which appeared 
with the corre6led title, the writer, "I. H.," says: 
" Happening vpon this Relation by chance, (as I take 
it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto by 
diuers well willers of the a6tion ... I thought good 
to publish it : but the Author being absent from the 
presse, it cannot be doubted but that some faults haue 
escaped in the printing, especially in the names of 
Countries, Towns, and People, which are somewhat 
strange vnto us : but most of all, and which is the 
chiefe error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer) 
some of the bookes were printed vnder the name of 
Thomas Watson^ by w^hose occasion I know not, 
vnless it were the ouer rashnesse or mistaking of the 
workemen, but since hauing learned that the saide 
discourse was written by Captain Smith, who is one 



Preface. xi 

of the Counsell there in Virginia, I thought good to 
make the like Apollogie, by shewing the true Author 
so far as my selfe could learn," &c. 

If the usual plea, '' absence of the author from the 
presse," is a sufficient excuse for "faults escaped in the 
printing," certainly a distance of three thousand miles 
should make the plea a valid one. Doubtless the 
writer's manuscript suffered somewhat at the hands 
of the printer. The pun6luation of the book is, in 
many places, as bad as it well can be, and the meaning 
of the author is sometimes rendered obscure thereby. 
But probably the errors are not confined to the punc- 
tuation. It is quite certain, also, that a judicious cor- 
rector of the press would, in other respe6ls, have 
improved what, as I have before suggested, may not 
have been written for publication. With the excep- 
tion, however, of a few imperfe6l and almost unintel- 
ligible sentences, the book, when properly punctuated 
by the reader, will be found to be clearly and forcibly 
written, and to give an apparently faithful history of 
the colony for the period which it includes. Where 
Captain Smith comes in collision with others in au- 
thority in the colony, some allowance, perhaps, should 
be made for his strong feeling or prejudices ; and it 
is always well, if possible, to read their version of 
the stor}^ in connedlion with his. Here I may refer 
to Wingfield's " Discourse of Virginia," which was 
written by the first president of the colony, who, hav- 



xii Preface. 

ing been deposed before six months of his adminis- 
tration had expired, in this tra6l vigorously defends 
himself from the charges brought against him by 
Smith and others. 

The writer of the preface says, that "somewhat 
more was by him [the author] written, which being, 
as I thought, fit to be private, I would not aduenture 
to make it publicke," &c. What was the nature of 
the writing here referred to can only be conjectured : 
nor is it evident why it was deemed necessary to 
announce, that matter " fit to be private " had been 
omitted. It is not improbable, that Smith — who for 
a long time had lain under suspicion with some of 
the members of the council, and who differed in his 
views of policy from many in authority, and from 
Captain Newport no less than from others — did not 
hesitate to comment freely on measures which he 
could not approve ; and he may have written in pri- 
vate to a friend something which it was not deemed 
politic to publish. If any thing fell from his pen one 
half as caustic as his letter to the "Treasurer and 
Councell of Virginia," written a few months later, but 
not printed till sixteen years afterward, and then by 
himself in the "Generall Historic" (pp. 70-73), no one 
can wonder that it was deemed best, in this early and 
critical period of the colony's history, to suppress it. 

The reader of the narrative will hardly fail to notice 
the abruptness with which the writer, after speaking 



Preface. 



XIU 



of their " many crosses in the downes," transports the 
little fleet to Cape Henry and Chesapeake Bay ; the 
whole intervening time and space being despatched 
in scarcely half a dozen lines. During this period 
of many weeks, events took place, that were full of 
interest to Smith. It is said that he was suspected 
of a mutiny at sea, and was placed under arrest ; 
and that, on the arrival of the colonists at Cape 
Henry, when the sealed box containing " the orders 
for government" was opened, and he was found to 
have been named as a member of the colonial coun- 
cil, he was not allowed to take his place in that 
body. It can hardly be supposed, that he would omit, 
in a narrative of events, to record what so much in- 
terested himself, and to speak freely of those who 
had thus heaped indignities upon him. Whatever 
else Smith may have written in the body of his letter, 
his own name did not appear in it throughout. 

This tra6t was cited by Purchas in the first edition 
of his "Pilgrimage," a small folio volume of 752 
pages, published at London, in 1613. On page 638, 
he places among his authorities in the margin " Newes 
from Virginia," — the running-title of this tra6t at the 
head of each page, — "and a M.S. of Cap. Smith ;'''* 
and he quotes from the " True Relation " a little more 
than what is now contained on page 42 of this re- 
print. The same reference may also be seen in each 
later edition of the " Pilgrimage." 



xiv ♦ Preface. 

This little black-letter quarto has for a long time 
been considered " rare " among book-colle6lors, al- 
though at the present time I know of six copies in this 
country. Five of these I have had the privilege of 
examining. In the library of Colonel Aspinwall, late 
Consul of the United States at London, w^hich was re- 
cently purchased by Mr. Barlow, of New York, is a 
copy with the " Smith " titlepage, and explanatory pref- 
ace. Mr. James Lenox, of New York, also has a copy 
like that. Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, 
R.I., has a copy, with the " Watson " titlepage, in a 
manuscript facsimile^ and without the explanatory 
preface. A copy with the " Watson " title, and also 
with the preface, is in the library of the New- York 
Historical Society. A copy wanting the titlepage, 
and also the preface, is in the library of Harvard 
College. Mr. Lenox has within a few months received 
from London a second copy of this tra6l, differing in 
its titlepage from either of the others described. It 
has neither the name of " Smith " nor of " Watson " 
on the titlepage, but simply the words, " By a Gentle- 
man." It also contains the explanatory preface. The 
text of all these copies is the same, there never having 
been but one edition. The leaves are not paged. A 
comparison, by Mr. Lenox, of copies w^ith the three 
different titles described above, would seem to indicate 
that all the titlepages were struck from the same page 
of types as originally set up ; with the change only 



Preface. xv 

of the two lines where the author's name is in- 
troduced. In the " Smith " copy, part of one line 
has been newly set up; the space occupied by 
the words, " Captain Smith, Coronell^'' being exa6lly 
the same as that taken up in the " Watson " copy 
by the words, "Th: Watson, Gent, one." In the 
" Gentleman " copy, recently received by Mr. Lenox, 
these two lines read thus: " Written by a Gentleman 
of the /aid Collony, to a worfhipfull | friend of his in 
England ; " the word " worfhipfull " being in the first 
line, while, in the other titles, it is in the second line. 
As to the order in which the copies with these sev- 
eral titlepages were issued, it seems most natural to 
suppose, that at first, in the absence of any information 
concerning the author, or of any wish to announce his 
name, the style used in the " Gentleman " copy would 
be employed ; and that copies with this titlepage 
should be regarded as the first issued. If we may 
assume this to be the fa6l, of course the explanatory 
preface, which Mr. Lenox's " Gentleman " copy has, 
does not belong to it. The adoption of such a title- 
page for any later issue of this work could be referred, 
it would seem, only to the whim of a bookseller. 
The "Watson" title, of course, precedes the "Smith" 
title, to copies of which alone the explanatory preface 
"To the Courteous Reader" naturally belongs. If 
these three titlepages were struck off from the same 
"form," each of the later ones must have followed the 



XVI 



Preface. 



preceding one at no long interval, though the types 
may have been kept standing for weeks. But, if there 
v^as no attempt here at deception, we must suppose 
that some copies with the " Watson " title had been 
issued beyond recall before the " Smith " titlepage 
and the preface were printed. For if the erroneous 
" Watson " title had been merely " printed " when the 
error was discovered (see page ii. of preface), it would 
naturally have been cancelled. 

A perfe6t copy of the first issue, if we may speak 
bibliographically, should contain a blank leaf before 
the titlepage, with signature " A " on the re^o ; then 
the " Watson " titlepage (or " Gentleman " title, if the 
suggestion above is adopted) ; following which is the 
text, beginning with "A 3," and continuing to "E 4," 
in fours. A corre6ted copy should contain the " Smith" 
titlepage, and two leaves of explanatory preface " To 
the Courteous Reader," corresponding to this reprint. 
The existence of a copy in the New- York Historical 
Society's library, referred to, with the " Watson " title- 
page and the preface ; of Mr. Lenox's copy, with the 
"Gentleman" titlepage and the preface; of Lord Elles- 
mere's copy (described by Mr. J. Pajne Collier in his '^Y] 
" Bibliographical and Critical Account of the Rarest J 
Books in the English Language," London, 1865), with 
the " Smith " titlepage, and with no preface ; and of 
the copy in the Grenville Librar}^, with the " Watson " 
titlepage and with the preface, — shows, unless each 



Preface. 



XVll 



of these copies has been tampered with since it came 
from the hands of the printer, that but Httle regard 
was had to propriety in annexing or omitting the ex- 
planatory preface. 

Mr. Collier, in the work cited above, expresses the 
opinion, for which he gives no reason, that, notwith- 
standing what is said in the address to the reader, 
Watson was the real author of the traft, though Cap- 
tain Smith's more popular name was used in copies 
like that which Mr. Collier is describing; namely, the 
Ellesmere copy, which has the " Smith " titlepage. 

Mr. Collier, in this, shows his ignorance of the early 
history of Virginia. He never could have read the 
tra6t of which he is speaking, especially in connection 
with the other narratives which cover the period of 
which Smith is here writing; for, if he had, he could 
not have failed to see that no one but Smith could 
have written the " True Relation." No person by the 
name of " Thomas Watson " is known to have been 
in the colony at the time; though a person of that 
name subsequently appears as one of the patentees 
in the second charter of Virginia, issued in 1609. 

But any one who has not qualified himself to judge, 
by the internal evidence, as to the authorship of this 
tra6l, and who is disposed to call in question the testi- 
mony of the writer of the preface, — hitherto, I believe, 
unquestioned, — I would refer to a statement of Pur- 
chas in his " Pilgrimage," page 638 of the first edition. 



XVlll 



Preface. 



In relating the adventures of Captain Smith in Vir- 
ginia, he there quotes from this tra6t, by its running- 
title, " Newes from Virginia," more than a page 
(varying the language a little, and changing the style 
from the first person, in v^hich Smith v^rote it, to the 
third person), in which are described some of the 
" magicall rites " of the Indians v^hich Smith had v^it- 
nessed when he was their prisoner. The passage in 
Smith which reads, " So fat they fed mee, that I much 
doubted they intended to have sacrificed mee," &c. 
("True Relation," page 42), Purchas renders in the 
third person thus: "They so fedd this our Author, 
that he much misdoubted, that hee should have beene 
sacrificed," &c. It will therefore be seen that Pur- 
chas, the highest authority in this case, cites this tra6t, 
and identifies the narrator with Smith. 

The original tra6t is in black-letter: this impression, 
therefore, is in no sense a facsimile. It is, however, 
a literal transcript of the original work, as regards the 
spelling, the pun6tuation, and the retaining of all the 
errors, even those clearly typographical. In some 
instances, where the meaning of the author has been 
obscured or perverted by the defective print, or where 
he has himself failed to express his thoughts clearly, 
I have ventured, in aid of a more corre6l understand- 
ing of the text, to make some suggestions in the 
notes at the foot of the page. Where the meaning is 
apparent at once to the intelligent reader, notwith- 



Preface. xix 

standing the defe6ts in pun6luation and in the gram- 
matical structure of the sentences, I have usually left 
the page without comment. 

The titlepage, however, of this reprint is very nearly 
^facsimile of the original; and the head-piece, and 
the ornamental letter K, on the first page of the text, 
are exa6t copies of those in the black-letter tra6t. 

This reprint is paged throughout, and in this respe6l 
differs from the original. No map was originally issued 
with this tra6l; but a photo-lithographic facsimile of 
Smith's map, which was issued in the Oxford tra6l 
of 1612 (a w^ork frequently cited in my notes under 
the title of "Map of Virginia"), is here furnished, as 
it will afford assistance to a better understanding of 
the narrative. 

This map was subsequently re-issued in Smith's 
" Generall Historic," at page 41; and that number 
will be found engraved at the bottom, in the right- 
hand corner, on copies of the map so used. The map 
will also be found in copies of vol. iv. of Purchas's 
"Pilgrimes," at pages 1690, 1691 (or 1692, 1693); 
which numbers may be seen rudely engraved at the 
top of copies of the map there inserted. Such copies 
also have the words, "Page 41, Smith," in the corner. 

A reprint of the " True Relation" was attempted in 
" The Southern Literary Messenger " for February, 
1845, from the copy in the New- York Historical 
Society's library: but it was very incorrectly done; a 



XX 



Preface. 



number of passages — in one instance, nearly a whole 
page — having been carelessly omitted. 

Smith's "Generall Historic," issued in 1624, in- 
cludes, substantially, the whole of his previous pub- 
lications, with the exception of the " True Relation." 
For the period covered by this traft, another narrative 
is introduced; namely, that in the appendix to the 
Oxford traft, before mentioned, called the " Map of 
Virginia," &c., written by the companions of Smith. 
It is not nearly so full as the " True Relation," for the 
time embraced by this tra6t, even with the addition 
made to it in its new form in the " Generall Historic," 
though it covers a much longer period. "Why Smith 
should have omitted to include this, his first work, in 
the " Generall Historic " is not evident. He could 
have corre6led the errors of the press, and in other 
respe6ls have improved its composition. It is not 
easy, however, to see how he could have explained 
the omission of the romantic story of his rescue by 
Pocahontas, foisted into the narrative of his com- 
panions, as it is reprinted in the " Generall Historic." 
It would have been more awkward to attempt to fit 
that new piece to the old garment of his own " True 
Relation," than to supply what might appear want- 
ing in the relation of another. 

The only contemporary histories of the colony 
at Jamestown hitherto published, that cover the 
period embraced by the " True Relation," are, first. 



Preface. xxi 

the little quarto volume above referred to, which was 
printed at Oxford in 1612, with the following title : — 

"A Map of Virginia. With a Defcription of the covntrey, 
the Commodities, People, Government and Religion. Written by 
Captaine Smith, fometimes Governour of the Countrey. Where- 
vnto is annexed the proceedings of thofe Colonies, lince their 
firft departure from England, with the difcourfes, Orations, and 
relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that befell them in all 
their lournies and difcoveries. Taken faithfvlly as they M^ere 
written out of the writings of Doctor RviTell. Tho. Stvdley. 
Anas Todkill. leffra Abot. Richard Wiffin. Will. Phettiplace. 
Nathaniel Powell. Richard Pots. And the relations of divers 
other intelligent obfervers there present then, and now many of 
them in England. By W. S. At Oxford, Printed by Joseph 
Barnes. 161 2." 

As the title indicates, the tra6l consists of two 
parts. The first part includes thirty-nine pages of 
text, besides three pages of Indian words and their 
English meanings, one page of dedication, and the 
titlepage. This part was written by Smith, as he 
says in the " Generall Historic," " with his owne hand." 
It is a topographical description of the country, em- 
bracing climate, soil, and produ6tions, with a full 
account of the- native inhabitants; and has only an 
occasional reference to the proceedings of the colony 
at Jamestown. In the dedication of this part, signed 
" T. A.," the writer says " it was penned in the Land 
it treateth of" In a letter addressed to the Treasurer 
and Council of the Virginia Company in England — 



xxii Preface. 

written from Virginia after the arrival of Newport 
there in September, 1608, and probably sent home 
by him near the close of the year — Smith says, " I / 
haue sent you this Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with 
an annexed Relation of the Countries and Nations 
that inhabit them, as you may see at large." (" Gen- 
erall Historie," pp. 71, 72.) The map referred to I 
suppose to be Smith's map of the country, which 
was published in the Oxford tra6t; and the "annexed 
Relation " to be the manuscript of his part of it. As 
it was not printed till two or three years after Smith 
had returned from Virginia, it is not improbable that 
the writer made additions to his manuscript before 
giving it to the press. One or two of the last para- 
graphs were certainly written in England. 

The second part of the Oxford tra6t has a sep- 
arate titlepage, as follows: — 

" The Proceedings of the Englifh colonie In Virginia lince 
their firft beginning from England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, 
till this prefent 161 2, with all their accidents that befell them in 
their lournies and Difcoveries. Alfo the Salvages difcourfes, 
orations and relations of the Bordering neighbours, and how 
they became fubiedl to the Englifh. Vnfolding even the funda- 
mentall caufes from whence haue fprang fo many miferies to the 
vndertakers, and fcandals to the bulinefle : taken faithfully as 
they were written out of the writings of Thomas Studley, the 
firll provant maifter, Anas Todkill, Walter Ruffell Dodlor of 
Phificke, Nathaniell Powell, William Phettyplace, Richai'd Wyffin, 
Thomas Abbay, Tho : Hope, Rich. Potts and the labours of 
divers other diligent obfervers, that were relidents in Virginia. 



Preface. xxiii 

And pervfed and confirmed by diverfe now refident in England 
that were a(5lors in this bufines. By W. S. At Oxford, 
Printed by Jofeph Bai-nes. 1612." 

In the address "to the reader" of this part, the writer 
of it, " T. Abbay," — probably the person whose ini- 
tials are signed to the dedication of the first part, — 
says that the discourse is not from " salers or passen- 
gers," but from "those that haue lived residents in 
the land . . . whose particular discourses are signed 
by their names. This solid treatise, first was com- 
piled by Richard Pots, since passing the hands of 
many to pervse, chancing into my hands (for that I 
knew them honest men, and can partly well witnesse 
their relations true) I could do no lesse in charity to 
the world then reveale, nor in conscience, but approue. 
By the advice of many graue and vnderstanding gen- 
tlemen, that haue pressed it to the press, it was thought 
fit to publish it, rather in its owne rude phrase then 
other wfiies." 

Richard Pots and Thomas Abbay had both resided 
in Virginia. Pots came with the " first supply " of 
passengers, perhaps in January, 1607-8; and Abbay 
with the " second supply," about September follow- 
ing. Their names, though mentioned in the titlepage 
among those out of whose writings this narrative 
was compiled, are not appended to any of the chap- 
ters as authority for what precedes. The same re- 
mark may be made concerning some of the other 



XXIV 



Preface. 



names thus introduced into the titlepage. The name 
of " Richard Pots, Clarke of the councell," is affixed 
for the first time, as an authority, to a chapter in the 
" Generall Historic," p. 94, as this narrative is there 
reprinted. On the last page of this second part is a 
note addressed to " Captaine Smith," saying, " I re- 
turne you the fruit of my labours, as Mr. Croshaw 
requested me, which I bestowed in reading the dis- 
courses, & hearing the relations of such as haue 
walked, & observed the land of Virginia with you. 
The pains I took was great," &c.; concluding with, 
" Your friend. W. S^ These are the initials of Wil- 
liam Simons, or Symonds, "Doctor of Divinity;" an 
Oxfordshire man, whose name is perpetuated by Wood 
in his " Athense," who says, " He was a person of an 
holy life, grave and moderate in his carriage, painful 
in the ministry, well learned and of rare understand- 
ing in prophetical scriptures." He was much inter- 
ested in the colony of Virginia, and preached a 
" sermon at White-chapel in the presence of many 
Honorable and Worshipful!, the Adventurers and 
Planters for Virginia, 25 April 1609." Dr. Simons 
appears to have been requested by Smith, who was 
probably the one ultimately interested in this publi- 
cation, to overlook these "discourses" before finally 
sending them to the press; and I should infer from 
the "Generall Historic," pp. 41 and 105, if not from the 
note to Smith cited above, that Dr. Simons was the 



Preface. xxv 

principal editor of the narrative in this part of the 
Oxford tra6t. 

It would seem, then, from the above, that this sec- 
ond part " first was compiled," by Richard Pots, out 
of the writings of a number of Smith's companions. 
It subsequently went into the hands of Dr. Simons, 
who gave the manuscript an editorial supervision. 
" This solid treatise " then " chanced " into the hands 
of T. Abbay, who gave it his san6lion in a preface. 

The Oxford tra6l was republished in the " Generall 
Historie," on pages 21-96. The first part, written by 
Smith, as there reprinted, varies a little, occasionally, 
in the text. The preface by " T. A." is omitted ; 
and the catalogue of Indian words, &c., is transferred 
to the end of this part. A new heading is given, 
and three or four lines of new matter begin the 
text. The second part, as reprinted in the " Generall 
Historie," underwent some changes in the original 
text; but much new matter was introduced, chiefly, I 
suppose, on the authority of Smith, as the parallel 
passages found in Purchas are usually credited to 
him. Lines of poetry are occasionally interspersed 
in the text, with two pages of commendatory verses, 
and also a letter of Smith to the Treasurer and Coun- 
cil of Virginia. A few pages of the tra6l, near its 
close, are omitted in the " Generall Historie." The 
preface by " T. Abbay " is also omitted, and the head- 
ing of this part is changed to the following: "The 



xxvi Preface. 

Proceedings and Accidents of the English Colony in 
Virginia, Extra6i;ed from the Authors following, by 
William Simons, Do6lour of Divinitie." The "authors 
following" I suppose to be those whose names are 
affixed to some of the chapters. A number of names 
are thus affixed that do not appear in the original 
tra6l. 

The Oxford tra6l was also republished by Purchas, 
in his "Pilgrimes," vol. iv. pp. 1691-1733. The 
first part is reprinted almost literally, with a few ad- 
ditional passages, which are generally in Italics. The 
preface and the Indian words are omitted; and the 
heading of this part (being chap. iii. lib. ix. of 
Purchas) reads thus : " The description of Virginia 
by Captaine lohn Smith, inlarged out of his written 
Notes." A passage relating to the conjurations of the 
Indians in the presence of Smith, on pages 31, 32, 
of the original tra6t, is here omitted, and appears in 
an enlarged form in the second part; as was the case 
also in the reprint in the " Generall Historic." In 
reprinting the second part, Purchas has abbreviated 
a few passages and omitted many ; but otherwise 
he has followed the original text very closely. Much 
new matter is introduced, corresponding mainly to 
what is new in the " Generall Historic; " and, though 
usually the language is the same, it is sometimes ab- 
breviated. The new matter in Purchas, I suppose, was 
furnished by Smith in manuscript; and generally his 



Preface. xxvii 

name is placed in the margin against these passages. 
His heading of this part (being chap. iiii. lib. ix. 
of Purchas) nearly corresponds to the heading of 
Chapter I. in the original, with the exception that 
three additional names are given as authorities,* with 
the following: "And since enlarged out of the Writ- 
ings of Capt. lohn Smith, principall Agent and Patient 
in these Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning 
of the Plantation 1606. till Ann. 16 10. somewhat 
abridged." Also the preface by T. Abbay is 
omitted. 

Although the " Generall Historic" bears date 1624, 
the year before the date of Purchas's " Pilgrimes," I 
cannot think that it was issued in print in time for Pur- 
chas to use it at this place. As we have seen above, 
he reprinted from the text of the Oxford tra6l, adding 
what was furnished to him by Smith. In a subse- 
quent portion of the volume, at page 1773, Purchas 
refers to the " Generall Historic," though not by this 
name. He acknowledges his indebtedness to Captain 
Smith for materials respe6ling Virginia at the period 
of which he is then writing (1614-1619); for Smith, 
he says, " having compiled a long History of that and 
the Summer Ilaiid plantation, and of New England, 

* Purchas has a marginal note at this place as follows : "I haue many 
Treatifes lying by me, written by Capt. Smith and others, fome there, 
fome here after their returne : but becaufe thefe haue alreadie feene the 
light, and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires, I was loth to wearie 
the Reader with others of this time." 



xxviii Preface. 

in six Bookes, hath gently communicated the same 
to mine, that is to thine, as intended to the Worlds 
vse," &c. This would indicate a reference to manu- 
scripts, or advance sheets, rather than to a volume 
already published to the world. The voluminous 
works of Purchas must have been a long time in the 
press, though the four volumes of the " Pilgrimes " 
all bear date 1625, — the year probably of their issue. 
It may be w^ell to mention, in conne6tion with the 
subje6l of the publication of the Oxford tra6t in a vol- 
ume of Purchas's " Pilgrimes," that this author printed 
an abstra6t of it in his " Pilgrimage," referred to above 
as having been first published at London in 1613, 
the year after the tra(5t was published. " The eighth 
booke " of that work relates to the New World, and 
" Chap. V." treats " Of Virginia." Captain Smith, if 
not the other writers of the tra6l, had communicated 
to Purchas his manuscript. On page 634, in speak- 
ing of those parts of Virginia " discouered for Sir 
Walter Raleigh," Purchas says, " Concerning the lat- 
ter, Captaine lohn Smithy partly by word of mouth, 
partly by his Mappe thereof in print,* and more fully 
by a Manuscriptf which hee courteously communi- 

* It would seem that Smith's map had been engraved on copperplate, 
and, if not already published, an advance copy of it shown to Purchas, 
before the printing or the publishing of the Oxford tra6l in vs^hich it was 
afterwards issued. 

t At the time Purchas was here writing, the Oxford tra6t, called the 
"Map of Virginia," &c., had not been printed. "The Epistle Dedica- 



Preface. xxix 

cated to mee, hath acquainted me with that whereof 
himselfe with great perill and paine had beene the 
discoiierer," &c. He also refers in the margin on an- 
other page, as his authorities, to material " colle6led 
out of the writing " of the authors of the second part, 
or appendix to the Oxford tra6t. This abstra6t, and 
other passages considerably extended, appear in the 
second edition of the " Pilgrimage," published the 
next year (pp. 755, 768) • in the third edition, pub- 
lished in 1617 (pp. 944-956); and in the fourth 
edition, published in 1626 (p. 834 e/( seq.). This last 
edition usually accompanies the four volumes of the 
" Pilgrimes," published the year before. " Purchas 
his Pilgrimage" is a different work from " Purchas his 
Pilgrimes." The author describes the distin6tion 
between them in the dedication of the last edition 
of the " Pilgrimage " to the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury. "It pleased his Majestic," he says, "to enquire 
further of the different scope of my Pilgrimage, & 
my then presented Pilgrims which here also for 
the Readers' sake I think fit to answer; that These 
Brethren holding much resemblance in name, nature, 
and feature, yet differ both in the obje6l and sub- 

torie" to this edition of his "Pilgrimage " is dated November 5, 1612, — 
the year borne upon the titlepage of the Oxford tradl, — though the title- 
page of the "Pilgrimage" is dated 1613. In the second edition of the 
" Pilgrimage," London, 1614, p. 760, the passage above cited is given ; 
but a marginal note on the words " a Manuscript " reads, " Since printed 
at Oxford." 



XXX Preface. 

je6t: This being mine own in matter (though bor- 
rowed) and in forme of words and method. Whereas 
my Pilgrims are the Authors themselues, a6ling their 
owne parts in their owne words," &c. 

The second contemporary account of the settlement 
of Virginia which will be noticed is, Percy's narrative 
in Purchas, vol. iv. pp. 1685-1690, published in 1625, 
and entitled — 

" Obferuations gathered out of a Difcourfe of the Plantation 
of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the Englifh, 1606. 
Written by that Honorable Gentleman Mafter George Percy." 

This writer was a brother of the celebrated Earl of 
Northumberland. He was one of the first colonists, 
and succeeded Smith as temporary Governor of the 
plantation. We have no means of knowing how long 
a period this narrative embraced, as Purchas unfortun- 
ately has printed only an abridgment of it, in six of his 
folio pages, ending in September, 1607. "The rest," 
he says, " is omitted, being more fully set downe in 
Cap. Smiths Relations." Percy gives a minute detail 
of the incidents of the first voyage, and of the move- 
ments of the colonists after their arrival at Cape 
Henry until the 14th of May when the party were 
" landed " at Jamestown ; matters scarcely touched 
upon by the other narrators. All that is preserved to 
us of this "Discourse" is valuable; for it embraces 
throughout, many details which are to be met with 
nowhere else. It had been previously cited by Pur- 



Preface. 



XXXI 



chas in the second edition of the " Pilgrimage," pub- 
lished in 1614, on pages 757, 768. 

Third, " Newport's Discoveries in America," pub- 
lished for the first time in i860, in vol. iv. of "Arch^- 
ologia Americana," and embracing tv^enty-five pao-es 
of that work. The account published under the above 
head consists of three papers, the most extended 
of which is entitled "A Relatyon of the Discov- 
ery of our river, from James Forte into the Maine ; 
made by Capt. Christopher Newport, and sincerely 
written and observed by a Gentleman of the Colony." 
This "Relatyon" is principally confined to an ac- 
count of the voyage from Jamestown up the river 
to the " Falls," where Richmond is now situated, and 
back again to Jamestown: beginning "May 21" (or 
May 22, according to the "True Relation"), seven 
days after the first "landing" at Jamestown; and end- 
ing 2 1 St June, the day before Newport sailed for 
England. The second paper, of four pages, is entitled 
"The Description of the new-discovered river and 
country of Virginia ; with the liklyhood of ensuing 
riches, by England's ayd and industry." The conclud- 
ing paper, of only a little more than two pages, is " A 
brief description of the People." The authorship of 
these papers is unknown. They were printed from 
copies made under the direftion of the Hon. George 
Bancroft, from the originals in the English State- 



v/ 



xxxu 



Preface. 



Paper Office ; and were edited by the Rev. Edward 
E. Hale. 

Mr. Bancroft has still a large number of unpub- 
lished manuscripts relating to the early history of 
Virginia, copied for him in the public offices in 
England. These he has kindly submitted to my 
inspe6lion, and given me full liberty to use such por- 
tions of them as might prove conducive to the illustra- 
tion of this tra6l. The principal part of these papers 
refers to a little later period in the history of Virginia 
than that which is included in this narrative. I have 
copied the title of one paper in a note on page 14, "A 
Briefe Declaration," &c., which gives a general view 
of the state of the colony from its commencement 
down to the year 1624. 

Fourth, "A Discourse of Virginia," by Edward 
Maria Wingfield, the first President of the Colony, 
printed for the first time in the fourth volume of the 
" Archseologia Americana," and embracing twenty- 
eight pages of that work. It was procured for me 
from the original in the Lambeth Library, shortly be- 
fore it was printed. The narrative begins with the 
sailing of Newport for England, 22d June, 1607; and 
ends 2ist May, 1608, on the author's arrival in Eng- 
land. Some half a dozen pages at the conclusion are 
taken up in a defence of himself from charges of un- 
faithfulness in duty, on which he had been deposed 
from the presidency and from the council. The nar- 



Preface. xxxiii 

rative of Wingfield was cited for the first time by 
Purchas in the margin of the second edition of his 
" Pilgrimage " (1614), pp. 757, 768. Purchas also re- 
fers to " M. Wingfield's notes " in the margin of 
p. 1706 of vol. iv. of his " Pilgrimes," where he is 
giving an account of the assault on the fort at James- 
town, just before the return of Newport's party of 
discovery up the river. He says : " The Fort as- 
saulted by the Sauages. I have also M. Wingfield's 
notes of these affaires, but would not trouble the Read- 
er here with things more then troublesome there." 
Wingfield's " Discourse," above referred to, does not 
include events that occurred so early as the attack 
on the fort. Possibly he wrote more, which is now 
lost. In the " Pilgrimage " is a reference to Wing- 
field for a faft certainly not embraced in the " Dis- 
course " in its present form. 

The above, with the tra6t here reprinted, com- 
prise all the original or contemporaneous accounts of 
the settlement of the colony of Jamestown which have 
come under my observation. A few incidents, here 
and there, may be gathered from other sources, par- 
ticularly from some of Smith's later publications. 
Strachey's " Historic of Travaile into Virginia Britan- 
nia," &c., published by the Hakluyt Society in 1849, 
so far as it relates to the southern part of Virginia, is 
rather a topographical and geographical description of 
the country, than an account of the English colony 



xxxiv Preface* 

residing there. The author, who was Secretary of the 
colony, did not arrive at Jamestown till 23 d May, 16 10; 
and he remained there only one or two years. A 
considerable portion of the Oxford tra6l of 16 12 — 
more particularly the first part, written by Smith 
— was adopted by Strachey, and interwoven into his 
own narrative, without acknowledgment. 

The interesting letter of Strachey, written from 
Jamestown, 15th July, 16 10, and published in Pur- 
chas's "Pilgrimes," vol. iv. pp. 1 734-1 756, contains, 
on page 1752, a few brief incidents of Newport's first 
arrival, in April, 1608; but these, of course, must 
have been communicated to him by other persons. 

Stith's " History of the First Discover}^ and Settle- 
ment of Virginia," &c., published at Williamsburg 
in 1747, can hardly be embraced in the category of 
original narratives of this early period ', though we are 
obliged to consult this volume for the letters patent, 
and the orders and instru6tions from His Majesty, 
under which the colony was first settled. Stith was 
chiefly indebted to the " Generall Historic " for the 
material of his work relating to this colony. 

Other tra6ts on Virginia, published just after the 
" True Relation," do not contain a history of the first 
settlement of the colony, but were the result of a fresh 
attempt to encourage emigration thither, in view of 
the issuing of a new charter (dated 23d May, 1609), 
with a larger number of patentees, and with more 



Preface. xxxv 

ample powers and privileges. The tra6ls which fol- 
lowed these, for a year or two, gave the results of the 
expeditions which sailed after the new grant had 
been procured. 

I learned from the " Historical Magazine " for July, 
1861 (p. 224), that a "Relation of Virginia," written ^ 
by Henry Spelman, " the third son of the antiquary," 
who came to this colony in 1609, had just then been 
printed in England, from the original manuscript for- 
merly owned by Dawson Turner. 

My correspondent in London, to whom I wrote for 
a copy of the book, writes to me under date of 9th Jan- 
uary, 1866, that the manuscript was bought at Dawson 
Turner's sale by Lilly, the bookseller, who printed 
fifty copies, and advertised them to be sold at five 
shillings apiece ; but that no copies had been sold, 
and, at the time of his writing, the books could not 
even be found. 

Spelman (or Spilman, as he is called in the " Gen- 
eral Historic," pp. 108, 161) was a boy when he first 
went to Virginia. He lived for a long time with the 
Indians, and became some years after an interpreter 
for the colony. Of course, his narrative, so far as it 
relates to his own experience in the colony, would be 
subsequent to the period of Smith's " True Relation." 

The settlement at Jamestown, as is well known, 
was made under the authority of the company that 
owed its existence to the patent of King James, " dated 



xxxvi Preface. 

the loth of April, 1606," which divided the por- 
tion of North America stretching from the 34th to 
the 45th degree of latitude into two distri6ls. The 
Southern or First Colony was granted to the London 
Company ; the Northern or Second Colony was 
granted to the Plymouth Company. The charter 
authorized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, 
Richard Hakluyt, Edward Maria Wingfield, and their 
associates of the First Colony, to settle in any part of 
the Southern distri6l that they might choose, between 
the degrees of 34 and 41 j vesting in them a right of 
property in the land extending along the coast fifty 
miles on each side of the place of their first habita- 
tion, and reaching one hundred miles into the inte- 
rior. The Northern distri6t was assigned to certain 
knights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Exeter, 
Plymouth, and other parts of the West of England, 
with a similar grant of territory between the degrees 
of 38 and 45 ; provided "that the plantation and habi- 
tation of such of the said colonies as shall last plant 
themselves, as aforesaid, shall not be made within one 
hundred like English miles of the other of them that 
first began to make their Plantation, as aforesaid." 

The charter provided that each colony should have 
a local council of thirteen ; but the supreme govern- 
ment of the colonies was vested in a council, consist- 
ing of the same number, resident in England, to be 
nominated by the king. 



Preface. 



XXXVU 



Besides the charter, the king gave divers instruc- 
tions and orders under his sign-manual and privy 
seal, dated 20th November, 1606. Stith's History 
should be consulted for the minute details respe6ling 
these early official papers. The king direfted that 
the first colonial councillors should be nominated and 
appointed by His Majesty's Council in England. 

" The transportation of the colony," says Stith, was 
committed "to Captain Christopher Newport, who 
was esteemed a mariner of ability and experience on 
the American coasts. For he had fourteen 3^ears 
before. Anno 1592, with much reputation and honour, 
conduaed an expedition against the Spaniards in the 
West Indies ; where, with three" ships and a small 
bark, he took several prizes, plundered and burnt 
some towns, and got a considerable booty. 

" To him therefore, by an instrument, bearing date 
the loth of December, 1606, under the legal seal of the 
council, they gave power to appoint all captains, sol- 
diers, and mariners, and to have the sole charge and 
command of the same, and of the whole voyage, from 
the date thereof, till they should land on the coast of 
Virginia ; and in case of his death, the several captains 
of the ships and bark were ordered and impowered, 
to proceed and carry them to the coast of Virginia 
aforesaid. To Captain Newport, Capt. Bartholomew 
Gosnold, and Captain John Ratcliffe, they also deliv- 
ered several instruments, close sealed with the coun- 



xxxviii Preface. 

cil's seal, which they, the survivors, or survivor of 
them, should, w^ithin twenty four hours after their 
arrival on the coast of Virginia, and not before, open 
and unseal, and publish the names of the persons, 
therein set down, who should be declared and taken 
to be his Majesty's Council for that colony: That the 
said council should immediately proceed to the choice 
and nomination of a president, who should have two 
votes in all matters of controversy and question, where 
the voices happened to be equal ; and should have full 
power and authority, with the advice of the rest of 
the council, or the greater part of them, to govern, 
rule, and command, all the captains and soldiers, 
with all other persons whatsoever of the said colony: 
And that the president, immediately upon his elec- 
tion, should, in the presence of the council and of 
twenty others of the principal adventurers in the 
voyage, to be by the president and council called 
thereto, take his oath, according to a form prescribed, 
to bear true allegiance to the king, and for the per- 
formance of his duty in the place and office of presi- 
«dent; after which he should administer the like oath 
to each of the council particularly. And finall}^, 
Captain Newport was commanded, with such a num- 
ber of men, as should be assigned him by the presi- 
dent and council, to bestow two months in the search 
and discovery of the rivers and ports of the coun- 
try, and to give present order for the lading the two 



Preface. xxxix 

ships (the bark being designed to remain in the coun- 
try) with such principal commodities and merchan- 
dise, as could there be had and found, and to return 
with the said ships, full laden, bringing a particular 
account of every thing, by the last of Ma}^ following, 
if God permit. 

" To these orders the council added other instruc- 
tions, by way of advice, concerning their stri6t ob- 
servation of the above-mentioned ordinances by the 
King's Majesty, delivered to them under the Privy 
Seal ; concerning the choice of a place, and the 
manner of seating themselves ; the necessary orders 
and methods of discover}^ ; their caution before, and 
behavior towards, the natives ; with various other 
counsels and directions for the better condu6ling 
themselves and the enterprise. And, as the council 
in England were ever solicitous and intent on the 
discovery of the South-Sea, as the certain and infalli- 
ble way to immense riches, they were commanded, if 
they happened to discover divers navigable rivers, 
and among them any that had two main branches, 
if the difference was not great, to make choice of that 
which tended most towards the North-West ; since 
the other sea, as they judged, would be soonest found 
that way. And they were to discover, if they could, 
whether the river, on which they seated, sprung out 
of the mountains or out of lakes. For, if it rose from 
any lake, it was likely that the passage to the other 



xl Preface. 

sea would be the more easy, and that out of the same 
lake they might find some other stream, running the 
contrary way, towards the East-India, or South-Sea. 
And they concluded lastly and chiefly, that the way to 
prosper and obtain success was to make themselves all 
of one mind, for their own and their country's good, 
and to serve and fear God, the Giver of all good- 
ness, since every plantation, which he did not plant, 
would certainly be rooted out." (Stith, pp. 42-44.) 

All these orders and instructions were put into a 
box, and the expedition set sail from Blackwall on 
the 19th of December, 1606. It consisted of three 
ships, — the " Susan Constant," admiral, of one hun- 
dred tons, commanded by Captain Newport, and 
carrying seventy-one persons ; the " God-speed," vice- 
admiral, of forty tons, commanded by Captain Bar- 
tholomew Gosnold, and carrying fifty-two persons ; 
the " Discovery," rear-admiral (the pinnace), of 
twenty tons, commanded by Captain John Ratclifle 
(or Ratliffe), and carrying twenty-one persons. As 
the number of the first planters was one hundred and 
Jive, thirty-nine of the above must have constituted 
the crews of the three ships. 

Owing to " unprosperous winds," they were kept 
six weeks in sight of England ; during which time, 
Mr. Hunt, their preacher, " was so weake and sicke, 
that few expefted his recovery." The narrative in. 
the "Generall Historic," at page 42, proceeds: "We 



Preface. xli 

watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Salvages 
at Dofumica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our 
selves amongst these west-India isles ; in Guardalupa 
we found a bath so hot, as in it we boyled Porck as 
well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called 
Monica^ we tooke from the bushes with our hands, 
neare two hogsheads full of Birds in three or four 
houres. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we 
spent some time, where, with a lothsome beast like 
a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises, Pellicans, Par- 
rots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence 
in search of Virginia, the company was not a little 
discomforted, seeing the Marriners had 3 dayes passed 
their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine 
Ratliffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather desired to 
beare vp the helme to returne for England, then make 
further search. But God the guider of all good a6lions, 
forcing them by an extreame storme to hull all night, 
did driue them by his providence to their desired 
Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of 
them had scene that coast. The first land they made 
they called Cape Henry^'* &c. 

The number of the first planters, stated in the 
Oxford tra6l of 16 12, is one /mndred a7id five ; and 
the names of sixty-six of these are there given. The 
" Generall Historic " — which states erroneously, but 
perhaps inadvertently, that the number of the first 
planters was just one hundred — gives the names of 
eighty-two persons, namely ; — 

/ 



xlii Preface. 

" Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield, Captaine Bartholo- 
mew Gosnoll, Captaine lohn Smith, Captaine lohn 
RatHffe, Captaine lohn Martin, Captaine George 
Kendall," are designated as of the " Councel." " Mr. 
Robert Hunt, Preacher, Mr. George Percie, An- 
thony Gosnoll, George Flower, Cap. Gabriell Archer, 
Robert Fenton, Robert Ford, William Bruster, Ed- 
ward Harrington, Dru Pickhouse, Thomas lacob, 
lohn Brookes, Ellis Kingston, Thomas Sands, Benia- 
mon Beast, lehu Robinson, Thomas Mouton, Eustace 
Clovill, Stephen Halthrop, Kellam Throgmorton, 
Edward Morish, Nathaniel Powell, Edward Browne, 
yRobert Behethland, lohn Penington, leremy Alicock, 
George Walker, Thomas Studley, Richard Crofts, 
Nicholas Houlgraue, Thomas Webbe, lohn Waller, 
lohn Short, William Tankard, William Smethes, 
Francis Snarsbrough, Richard Simons, Edward 
Brookes, Richard Dixon, lohn Martin, Roger Cooke, 
Anthony Gosnold, Tho: Wotton, Chirurg, lohn 
Stevenson, Thomas Gore, Henry Adling, Francis 
Midwinter, Richard Frith," who are named as gen- 
tlemen. "William Laxon, Edward Rising, Thomas 
Emry, Robert Small," who are recorded as carpen- 
ters. " lohn Layden, William Cassen, George Cassen, 
Thomas Cassen, William Rodes, William White, 
Old Edward, Henry Tavin, George Goulding, lohn 
Dods, William lohnson, William Vnger," named 
as laborers. Then follow — " lam : Read, Black- 



Preface. xliii 

smith; lonas Profit, Sailor; Tho: Cowper, Barber; 
Will: Garrett, Bricklayer; Edward Brinto, Mason; 
William Loue, Taylor; Nic: Scot, Drum; Wil: Wil- 
kinson, Chirurg; Samuel Collier, boy; Nat. Pecock, 
boy; lames Brumfield, boy; Richard Mouton, boy. 
With divers others to the number of loo [105]." 

The above list contains eighty-two names, if we 
consider "Anthony GosnolP and "Anthony GosnoW 
to be two persons. I have always supposed the same 
person's name to have been accidentally repeated. 
There are here nineteen names more than are given in 
the list in the Oxford tradl, which also contains the 
names of four persons not included in the above, 
namely, "George Martin," in the list of gentlemen; 
" Anas Todkill," and " lohn Capper," with no desig- 
nation ; and " lohn Herd, Bricklayer." 

Percy, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1690, gives the names 
of twenty-four persons* who had died by the 19th of 
September, 1607; and among these names are lohn 
Asbie, Thomas Mounslic, and Robert Pennington, 
that are not in either of the lists above cited. Wino-- 
field ("Discourse," p. 100) speaks of "ould Short, the 
bricklayer," who, I suppose, must be a different 
person from " lohn Short," the gentleman. We have, 
thus, the names of ninety of the first-comers. 

* In the note, at page 13 of the following reprint, the number is inad- 
vertently given as tivettty-t/iree. Percy's record of the names of the de- 
ceased up to this time is very incomplete, for Smith tells us in the text, 
that " about the tenth of September there was about 46 of our men dead." 



xliv Preface. 

In a note on page 5 of this reprint will be found 
a list of the names of four " maryners " and fourteen 
"saylors" who went with Newport and Captain Smith 
"to discover the James River." These belonged to 
the ships, and doubtless all returned to England with 
Newport. 

The following is a list of the names of seventy-three 
of the one hundred and twenty persons constituting 
the "first supply" or reinforcement of the colony, 
who arrived, part of them with Newport in January, 
1607-8; and part of them with Nelson, who, during a 
storm, had parted company with Newport, and did 
not arrive at Jamestown till the 2 2d of April 
("Generall Historic," p. 55): — "Mathew Scrivener, 
Michaell Phittiplace, William Phittiplace, Ralph 
Morton, Richard Wyffing, lohn Taverner, William 
Cantrell, Robert Barnes, Richard Fetherstone, George 
Hill, George Pretty, Nathaniell Causy, Peter Pory, 
Robert Cutler, Michaell Sicklemore, William Bent- 
ley, Thomas Coe, Do6lor Russell, lefFrey Abbot, 
Edward Gurgana, Richard Worley, Timothy Leeds, 
Richard Killingbeck, William Spence, Richard Prod- 
ger, Richard Pots, Richard Mullinax, William Bay- 
ley, Francis Perkins, lohn Harper, George Forest, 
lohn Nichols, William Griuell," are designated as 
gentlemen. " Raymod Goodison, William Simons, 
lohn Spearman, Richard Bristow, William Perce, 
lames Watkins, lohn Bouth, Christopher Rods, 



Preface. xlv 

Richard Burket, lames Burre, Nicholas Ven, Francis 
Perkins, Richard Gradon, Rawland Nelstrop, Richard 
Savage, Thomas Savage, Richard Milmer, WilHam 
May, Vere, Michaell, Bishop Wiles, Labourers. 
Thomas Hope, William Ward, lohn Powell, 
William Yong, William Beckwith, and Larence 
Towtales, Taylers. Thomas Field, lohn Harford, 
Apothecaries; Dani: Stallings, leweller; Will: Daw- 
son, a refiner; Abram Ransack, a refiner; Wil: 
lohnson, a Goldsmith ; Peter Keffer, a gunsmith; 
Rob: Alberton, a perfumer ; Richard Belfield, a Gold- 
smith; Post Ginnat, a Chirurg ; lohn Lewes, a Cooper; 
Robert Cotton, a Tobacco-pipe maker ; Richard Dole, 
a Blacksmith. And divers others to the number of 
1 20." 

The " second supply " arrived in the autumn 
of 1608, and consisted of seventy persons, including 
two women, — "the first Gentlewoman and woman- 
servant that arrived in our ColonyP The names of 
fifty-eight of these seventy may be seen in the " Gen- 
erall Historic," pp. 72, 73. I do not copy them 
here, as they refer to a period in the history of the 
colony after the time covered by the "True Re- 
lation." 

Captain Smith was about twenty-eight years of 
age when he came to Virginia. He had previously, 
while a very young man, travelled in the East ; and 
many years afterwards, in 1630, he published an ac- 



xlvi Preface. 

count of his adventures there under the title of "The 
True Travels," &c. He was born at Willoughby, in 
Lincolnshire, about 1579, as maybe inferred from the 
inscription on his portrait in the corner of his map 
of New England, — "^ta. 37. A° 1616." He died 
on "the 2ist of June, 163 1," as appears from an in- 
scription on a monument in St. Sepulcher's Church, 
London, ere6led to his memory by a friend. The 
publications which bear his name are — 

A True Relation, &c. London, 1608. 
^y A Map of Virginia, &c. Oxford, 161 3. 

A Description of New England, &c. London, 1616. 

New Englands Trials, &c. London, 1620. Second edition. 
1632. 
■^ The Generall Historic, &c. London, 1624. Also re-issued 
(not reprinted) in 1626, 1627, and twice in 1632,^ — the year after 
Smith's death ; the date on the titlepage being altered to corre- 
spond to those years. 

An Accidence or the Pathway to Experience, &c. London, 
1626. 

A Sea Grammar, &c. London, 1627. Other editions, 1653 
and 1699. 

The True Travels, &c. London, 1630. 

Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New Eng- 
land, &c. London, 1631. 

An admirable account of "The Life and Adven- 
tures of Captain John Smith; by George S. Hillard," 
was published in Sparks's "American Biography," 
in 1834. 



Preface. xlvii 

I would express my grateful acknowledgments to 
Mr. James Lenox, of New York, and to Harvard 
College, through the courtesy of its Librarian, Mr. 
J. L. Sibley, for the use of copies of the original 
" True Relation," during the preparation of the pres- 
ent impression. 

C. D. 

Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
May, 1866. 




A 

T R V E RE 

lation of fuch occur- 



rences and accidents of noate as 

hath hapned in Virginia fince the firft 

planting of that Collony, which is now 

refident in the South part thereof, till 

the laft returne from 
thence. 
Written by Captaine Smith Coronell of the/aid Collony^ to 
ivorJJiipfull friend of his in England. 




L O 3S(^D ly^ 

Printed for lo/in Tappe, and are to bee folde at the Grey- 
hound in Paules- Church -yard, by W.W. 
1608 



To the Courteous Reader. 



Courteous, Kind, & indifferent Readers, whofe willingneffe 
to reade & heare this following difcourfe, doth explaine 
to the world your hearty affedlion, to the profecuting and fur- 
therance of fo worthy an adion : fo it is, that like to an vnskilfull 
adlor, who hauing by mifconflrudlion of his right Cue, ouer-flipt 
himfelfe, in beginning of a contrary part, and fearing the hatefull 
hiffe of the captious multitude, with a modeft blufh retires him- 
felfe in priuate ; as doubting the reprehenfion of his whole audi- 
ence in publicke, and yet againe vpon further deliberation, 
thinking it better to know their cenfures at the firft, and vpon 
fubmisfion to reape pardon, then by feeking to fmother it, to in- 
curre the danger of a fecret fcandall : Imboldening himfelfe vpon 
the curteous kindneffe of the befl, and not greatly refpe^ling the 
worft, comes fourth againe, makes an Apollogie for himfelfe, 
fliewes the caufe of his error, craues pardon for his rafhnes, and 
in fine, receiues a generall applauditie of the whole affemblie : 
fo I gentle Readers, happening vpon this relation by chance (as 
I take it, at the fecond or third hand) induced thereunto by 
diners well willers of the adlion, and none wilhing better towards 
it then my felfe, fo farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may 
llretch too, I thought good to publifh it : but the Author being 

[Hi*] 



iv* 

abfent from the prefle, it cannot be doubted but that fome faults 
haue efcaped in the printing, efpecially in the names of Coun- 
tries, Townes, and People, which are fomewhat flrange vnto 
vs : but moll of all, and which is the chiefe error (for want of 
knowledge of the Writer) fome of the bookes were printed 
vnder the name of Thomas Wat/on^ by whofe occafion I know 
not, vnleiTe it were the ouer ralhneffe, or miftaking of the worke- 
men, but lince hauing learned that the faide difcourfe was writ- 
ten by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counfell there in 
Virginia : I thought good to make the like Apollogie, by fliew- 
ing the true Author fo farre as my felfe could learne, not 
doubting, but that the wife noting it as an error of ignorance, 
will pafle it ouer with patience, and if worthy an applauditie, 
to referue it to the Author, whofe paines in my iudgement de- 
ferueth commendations ; fomewhat more was by him written, 
which being as I thought (fit to be priuate) I would not aduen- 
ture to make it publicke what more may be expeded concerning 
the fcituation of the Country, the nature, of the clime, number 
of our people there refident, the manner of their gouernment, 
and lining, the commodities to be produced, & the end & effedl 
it may come too, I can fay nothing more then is here written, 
only what I haue learned and gathered from the generall confent 
of all (that I haue conuerfed withall) afwell marriners as others, 
which haue had imploymet that way ; is that the Country is 
execellet & pleafant, the clime temperate and health full, the 
ground fertill and good, the commodities to be expedled (if well 
followed) many, for our people, the worfl being already paft, 
thefe former hauing indured the heate of the day, whereby thofe 
that Ihall fucceede, may at eafe labour for their profit, in the 
moll fweete, coole, and temperate fhade : the adlion mofl; honor- 
able, and the end to the high glory of God, to the eredling of 



V* 



true religion among Infidells, to the ouerthrow of fuperftition 
and idolatrie, to the winning of many thoufands of wandring 
Iheepe, vnto Chrifts fold, who now, and till now, haue ftrayed 
in the vnknowne paths of Paganifme, Idolatrie, and fuperftition : 
yea, I fay the A6tion being well followed, as by the graue 
Senators, and worthy aduenturors, it hath beene worthily be- 
gunne : will tend to the euerlafting renowne of our Nation, and 
to the exceeding good and benefit of our Weale publicke in 
generall: whofe Counfells, labours, godly and induftrious en- 
deuours, I befeech the mightie lehouah to blefle, profper, and 
further, with his heauenly ayde, and holy affiftance. 

Farewell. 

LH. 





True relation of liich occurrences 

and accidents of note,as hath hapned in Vir- 
ginia, lince the firft planting of that Collony, 
which is now rejident in the South part 
thereof, till the laft returne. 

Ilnde Sir,^ commendations remem- 
bred, &c. You fhall vnderftand 
that after many croffes in the 
downes by tempefls^ wee arrived 
fafely vppon the Southwell part of 
the great Canaries: within foure 
or fine daies after we fet faile for 
Dominica, the 26. of Aprill: the firft land we made, 
wee fell with Cape Henry, the verie mouth of the 




1 There is no clue given to the 
perfon to whom this narrative is 
addreffed. 

2 " On the 19 of December, 1606. 
we fet fajle from Blackwall, but by 
vnprofperous winds were kept ^x-a. 
weekes in the fight of England." — 
Smiih's Generall Hijlorie, London, 
1624, p. 41. The volume here cited 
is chiefly a compilation of the writ- 



ings of various authors, including 
the moft of Smith's previous publi- 
cations, relating to this country ; 
and, as regards the text of the lat- 
ter, certainly with fome changes 
and additions. The paffage quoted 
is from that part of the work which 
had been originally printed at Ox- 
ford in 1612, in a tradl entitled 
"Map of Virginia," Sic. The firft 



2 Newes from Virginia. 

Bay of Chiffiapiacke,^ which at that prefent we little 
expe6led, hauing by a cruell ftorme bene put to the 



part of this traft, being chiefly to- 
pographical and geographical, was 
written by Smith, as he fays ("Gen- 
eral Hiftorie," p. 39), " with his 
owne hand ; " the fecond part, which 
is here cited, was not originally 
written by Smith, but by his com- 
panions. Although I have both the 
Oxford tradl and the " Generall Hif- 
torie " before me, I shall quote from 
the "Generall Hiftorie," the later 
work. Where important variations 
occur, I ftiall notice them. 

" On Saturday the twentieth of 
December in the yeere 1606. the 
fleet fell from London, and the fift 
of lanuary we anchored in the 
Downes : but the winds continued 
contrarie fo long, that we were 
forced to ftay there fome time, 
where wee fuff'ered great ftormes, 
but by the flcilfulneffe of the Cap- 
taine wee fuflfered no great lofle 
or danger." — Percy, itt Purchas, 
vol. iv. p. 1685. The Honorable 
George Percy, here cited, was one 
of the firft comers, and fubfequently 
became a temporary governor of 
the colony. He was a brother of the 
Earl of Northumberland, and a 
" gentleman of great honor, cour- 
age, and induftry." He probably 
came with no intention of remaining 
permanently in the colony. Pur- 
chas gives us only that portion of 
the narrative of Percy down to the 
laft of September, 1607. How much 
he omitted, alas ! we have no means 



of knowing. " The reft," he says, 
"is omitted, being more fully fet 
downe in Cap. Smiths Relations." 

1 This paflage fhould be punc- 
tuated thus: "Within four or five 
days after, we fet fail for Domi- 
nica. The 26th of April, the firft 
land we made, we fell with Cape 
Henry," &c. 

"The foure and twentieth day [of 
February, 1606-7,] we anchored at 
Dominico. . . . The tenth day [of 
April] we • . . difimboged out of the 
Weft Indies, and bare our courfe 
Northerly. The fourteenth day we 
pafled the Tropicke of Cancer. The , 
one and twentieth day, about fine a 
clocke at night there began a vehe- 
ment tempeft, which lafted all the 
night, with winds, raine, and thun- 
ders, in a terrible manner. Wee 
were forced to lie at Hull that night, 
becaufe we thought wee had beene 
neerer land then wee were. The 
next morning, being the two and 
twentieth day, wee founded ; and 
the three and twentieth and foure 
and twentieth day, but we could find 
no ground. The fine and twentieth 
day we founded, and had no ground 
at an hundred fathom. The fix 
and twentieth day of Aprill, about 
foure a clocke in the morning, wee 
defcried the Land of Virginia : the 
fame day wee entred into the Bay 
of Chefufioc diredlly." — Percy, in 
Purchas, vol. iv. pp. 1685, 1686. 



Newes from Virginia. 3 

Northward: anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie 
went a fhore with the Captain, and in comming aboard, 
they were affalted with certaine Indians,^ which charged 
them within PiftoU Ihot: in which confli6l, Captaine 
Archer and Mathew Morton were Ihot: whereupon, 
Captaine Newport feconding them, made a fhot at 
them, which the Indians Httle refpe6led, but hauing 
fpent their arrowes retyred without harme, and in that 
place was the Box opened, wherein the Counfell for 
Virginia was nominated:'^ and arriuing at the place 
where wee are now feated, the Counfel was fworn, & 
the Prelident ele6led, which for that yeare was Maifter 



^ They went afhore at Cape Hen- 
ry, and "were alTaulted by fiue Sal- 
vages" (" Generall Hiftorie," p. 42) 
of the Chefapeake or Nansemond 
tribe. 

2 "That night was the box open- 
ed ['Their orders for government 
were put in a box, not to be opened, 
nor the governours knowne vntill 
they arriued in Virginia.'' — Gen- 
erall Hi/lorie, p. 41.] and the or- 
ders read, in which Bartholomew 
Go/noll, John Stnitk, Edtvard 
Wingjield, Chrijlopher Newport, 
lohn Ratcliffe, lokn Martin, and 
George Kendall, were named to be 
the Councell, and to choofe a Preli- 
dent amongft them for a yeare, who 
with the Councell fhould gouerne. 
Matters of moment were to be ex- 
amined by a lury, but determined by 
the maior part of the Councell, in 
which the Prefident had two voyces. 



Vntil the 13 of May they fought a 
place to plant in, then the Councell 
was fworne, Mr. Wingjield was cho- 
fen Prefident, and an oration made, 
why Captain Smith was not ad- 
mitted of the Counfell as the reft." 

— Generall Hijlorie, p. 42. Smith 
" was not admitted of the coun- 
fell " for the reafon that he had 
been " fufpedled for a fuppofed 
Mutinie," on the voyage over ; 
"though neuer no fuch matter." — 
Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1685. He was 
fubfequently reftored. Although 
Captain Newport was named of the 
Council, yet he " was hired onely for 
our tranfportation," and "was to 
returne with the fhips." He "was 
efteemed a Mariner of Ability and 
Experience on the American Coafts." 

— Generall Hijlorie, pp. 42, 43. 
Stith's Virginia, pp. 42, 47. 



4 Newes from Virginia. 

Edm. Maria Wingfield, where was made choice for 
our fcituation, a verie fit place for the ere6ling of a 
great cittie, about which some contention pafled be- 
twixt Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Gofnold, not- 
withllanding all our prouifion was brought a fhore, 
and with as much fpeede as might bee wee went about 
our fortification.^ 



1 Jameftown, the firft permanent 
Englifh fettlement within the lim- 
its of the prefent United States, 
was on a peninfula on the north 
fide of the Powhatan, now James, 
River, about forty miles from its 
mouth. — Stith, p. 45. 

The fettlement or "landing" at 
Jameftown was begun, according 
to Percy, on the 14th of May. He 
gives a minute account of the 
movements of the colonifts from 
the time of their arrival within the 
Bay of Chefapeake till their felec- 
tion of and landing on this fpot, 
an interval which is fupplied by 
no other narrator of thefe early 
events. The opening of the box 
which contained "their orders for 
government," was, as we have just 
feen, on the night of their arrival 
at Cape Henry, on the 26th of 
April. On the 27th, they began 
to " build vp " their fliallop, while a 
party marched eight miles up into 
the land. Thefe faw no Indians, 
but met with many newly roafted 
oyfters. The 28th, they launched 
their fhallop, and " the Captaine and 
fome Gentlemen went in her and dif- 
couered vp the Bay," and found 



" a Riuer on the Southfide running 
into the Maine." After exploring 
for fome time, and finding good 
fliore of mufcles and oyfters, goodly 
trees, and flowers of diuers kinds 
and colors, and alfo ftrawberries, 
they ftood back to their fhips, 
"which road at the mouth of the 
Riuer." They found the water ftial- 
low; but, rowing over to a point 
of land where they found from fix 
to twelve fathoms of water, they 
were put "in good comfort," and 
named the place " Cape Comfort," 
or " Point Comfort," the name it 
bears to-day. On the 29th, they 
fet up a crofs at Chefapeake Bay, 
and named the place " Cape Hen- 
ry," after Prince Henry, the fon of 
James I. Subfequently, the oppo- 
fite point was named for this 
prince's younger brother, Charles, 
afterwards the unfortunate king, 
Charles I. The next day, they 
brought their fliips over to Point 
Comfort, and, manning their fhal- 
lop, coafted to the Indian town "Ke- 
coughtan," now Hampton, where 
they were kindly received. They 
continued on up the river, and 
had interviews with the chiefs of 



Newes from Virginia. 5 

The two and twenty day of Aprill/ Captain New- 
port and myfelfe with diuers others, to the number of 



two of the Indian tribes refiding 
in the neighborhood. On the 8th 
of May, they " landed in the Coun- 
trey of Apamaiica," where they faw 
" many ftout and able Sauages." 
On the 1 2th, they went back to 
their fhips, which lay at Point Com- 
fort; and, perhaps on their return 
again up the river with their vef- 
fels, " difcouered a point of Land 
called Archer's Hope." There the 
party would have made a fettle- 
ment, " if it had not beene difliked, 
becaufe the fhip could not ride 
neere the Ihore. . . . The thirteenth 
day wee came to our feating place 
in Paspihas countrey, fome eight 
miles from the point of Land, which 
I made mention before : where our 
fhippes doe lie fo neere the flioare 
that they are moored to the Trees 
in fix fathom water." — Percy, in 
Purckas, vol. iv. pp. 1687, 16S8. 

^ May is of courfe here intended. 
In the minute and valuable " Re- 
latyon " of the difcovery of James 
River, publillied in the "Archae- 
ologia Americana," vol. iv. pp. 40- 
65, the writer fays, " Thurfday, the 
2ift of May, Capt. Newport (having 
fitted our fhallop with provifion and 
all neceffaryes belonging to a dif- 
covery) took five gentlemen, four 
maryners, and fourteen faylors ; with 
whome he proceeded, with a perfect 
refolutyon not to returne, but either 
to finde the head of this ryver, the 
laake mentyoned by others hereto- 
fore, the fea againe, the mountaynes 



Apalatfi [Appalachian.''], or fome 
iffue." 

The names of the difcoverers were 
thefe : — 

Capt. Chriftop. Newport. 
George Percye, Efq., 
Capt. Gabriell Archer, 
Capt. Jhon Smyth, 
Mr. Jhon Brooks, 
Mr. Thomas Wotton, 

Maryners. 

Francys Nellfon, 
John Collfon, 
Robert Tyndall, 
Mathew Fytch. 

1. Jonas Poole, 

2. Robert Markham, 

3. John Crookdeck, 

4. Olyver Browne, 

5. Benjamyn White, 

6. Rych. Genoway, 

7. Tho. Turnbrydg, 

8. Tho. Godword, 

9. Robert Jackfon, 

10. Charles Clarke, 

11. Stephen [fie], 

12. Thomas Skynner, 

13. Jeremy Deale, 

14. Danyell [fie]. 

" Thus from James Fort wee took 
our leave about noone ; and by 
night we were up the ryver thir- 
teen myle, at a lowe meadow point, 
which I call Wynauk. . . . Here we 
anckored all night." It will be 



6 Newes from Virginia. 

twenty two perfons, fet forward to difcouer the Riuer, 
fome fiftie or lixtie miles, finding it in feme places 
broader, & in fome narrower, the Countrie (for the 
mofte part) on each fide plaine high ground, with many 
frefh Springes, the people in all places kindely entreat- 
ing vs, daunfing and fealling vs with ftrawberies, 
Mulberies, Bread, Fifh, and other their Countrie pro- 
uifions wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine 
Newport kindely requited their leaft fauours, with Bels, 
Pinnes, Needles, beades or Glaffes, which fo con- 
tented them that his liberallitie made them follow vs 
from place to place, and euer kindely to refpe6l vs. 
In the midway Haying to refrefti our felues in a little 
Ile^ foure or fine fauages came vnto vs which defcribed 
vnto vs the courfe of the Riuer, and after in our iour- 
ney, they often met vs, trading with vs for such pro- 
uifion as wee had, and arriuing at Arfatecke, ^ hee 

seen, further on, that Smith speaks town. It is not improbable that 

of "Weanock" as "fome twentie "Weanock" reprefented a conlid- 

miles from our Fort." On his map, erable extent of country on both 

he places "Weanock" at the mouth fides the river. 

of the " Appamatuck" River; which ^ Perhaps near the prefent "Tur- 

is a miftake, if intended to repre- key Point." — ProceedifigsAm.Antiq. 

fent the place at which the party Soc. for Oct., 1864, p. 63, note f. 

on this expedition anchored the This was on the fecond day. May 

firft night. On Fry and Jefferfon's 22, according to the " Relatyon" cit- 

map of Virginia, published in the ed above. The number of Indians 

year 1776, " Weynock " is placed they met here is defcribed as eight. 

near a point of land on the north. The fecond night they paffed at a 

oppofite " Flower de Hundred place they called " Poore Cottage." 

Creek," which is a little to the Percy calls it "Port Cotage." 

weft of the prefent Fort Powhatan, ^ Or " Arrohateck," laid down on 

about twenty miles from Jamef- Smith's map as a little above the 



Newes from Virginia. 7 

whom we fuppofed to bee the chiefe King of all the 
reft, mofte kindely entertained vs, gluing vs in a guide 
to go with vs up the Riuer to Powhatan, of which 
place their great Emperor taketh his name, where he 
that they honored for King vfed vs kindely. But to 
finifh this difcouerie, we pafled on further, where 
within an ile we were intercepted with great craggy 
ftones y® in ^ midft of the riuer, where the water falleth 
fo rudely, and with fuch a violence, as not any boat 
can poffibly paffe,^ and fo broad difperfeth the ftreame, 
as there is not paft fiue or ftxe foote at a low water, 
and to the ftiore fcarce paffage with a barge, the water 
floweth foure foote, and the frefties by reafon of the 
Rockes haue left markes of the inundations 8. or 9. 
foote : The South fide is plaine low ground, and the 
north fide high mountaines, the rockes being of a 
grauelly nature, interlaced with many vains of gliftr- 
ing fpangles. That night we returned to Powhatan : 
the next day (being Whitfunday^ after dinner) we re- 
turned to the fals, leaning a mariner in pawn with the 
Indians for a guide of theirs, hee that they honoured 



fpot fince called " Farrar's IHand," the Emperor, to which the explo- 

or the now famous "Dutch Gap;" rers were invited. This place was 

probably near " Cox's Ferrj." This within a mile of the Falls, now 

was on the 23d, Saturday. The chief Richmond. 

whom the party here met was not ^ "In the midft." 

the Emperor, as was at firft fuppofed, ^ 'phis is the fall at the prefent 

but an inferior king, or " Werow- city of Richmond. 

ance," who refided at a place called ^ The 24th of May. 

" Powhatan," one of the "feats" of 



8 Newes from Virginia. 

for King followed vs by the riuer. That afternoone 
we trifled in looking vpon the Rockes and riuer (fur- 
ther he would not goe) fo there we ere6ted a croffe,^ 
and that night taking our man at Powhatans, Cap. 
Newport congratulated his kindenes with a Gown and 
a Hatchet; returning to Arfetecke,^ and flayed there 
the next day ^ to obferve the height thereof. & fo with 
many fignes of loue we departed. The next day the 
Queene of Agamatack kindely intreated vs,* her people 
being no lefTe contented then the reft, and from thence 
we went to another place, (the name whereof I do not 
remember) where the people ftiewed vs the manner 
of their diuing for Muffels, in which they finde 
Pearles.^ 

That night pafling by Weanock fome twentie miles 
from our Fort, they according to their former churlifh 
condition, feemed little to affeft vs, but as wee de- 
parted and lodged at the point of Weanocke,^ the 
people the next morning feemed kindely to content vs. 



1 "With this infcriptyon, 'laco- of this difcovery cited above, p. 
bus Rex, 1607; ' and Percy fays they 51. 

named the River, King's Riuer, and ^ It w^as to one of " King Po- 

" proclaimed King James of Eng- maunche's howfes, fome five myle 

land to have the moft right vnto from the queene's bower," that they 

it-" — Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1689; A were now dire<fted, and where they 

Relatyon, &c., p. 47. were very "kyndly faluted." — Ibid., 

2 Where they fpent Sunday night. P- 52. 

8 Monday, the 35th. ^ gy t^jg jj- appears that " the 

* Tuefday, the 26th. A minute point of Weanocke " was a little dif- 

defcription of this queen of Appo- tance fouth of the Indian village 

mattox is given in the " Relatyon " of that name. 



Newes from Virginia. 9 

yet we might perceiue many lignes of a more Jealoulie 
in them then before, and alfo the Hinde that the King 
of Arfeteck had giuen vs/ altered his refolution in 
going to our Fort, and with many kinde circumftances 
left vs there. This gaue vs fome occalion to doubt 
fome mifchiefe at the Fort, yet Capt. Newport in- 
tended to haue vilited Pafpahegh and Tappahanocke,^ 
but the inftant change of the. winde being faire for our 
return we repaired to the fort with all fpeed,^ where 
the firft we heard was that 400. Indians the day before 
had aflalted the fort, & fupprifed it, had not God, (be- 
yond al their expectations) by meanes of the fhippes 
at whom they fhot with their Ordinances & Mufkets, 
caufed them to retire, they had entred the fort with 
our own men, which were then bufied in fetting 
Corne, their armes beeing then in driefats * & few 
ready but certain Gentleme of their -own, in which 
conflict, mofl of the Counfel was hurt, a boy flaine 
in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt. 

^ His name was "Navirans." — The name "Pafpahegh" was ap- 

Ibtd., p. 46. plied by the Indians to the territory 

^ Two chiefs or tribes refiding on which included Jameftown. — Wing"- 

the James river, a few miles above field's Difcourfe of Virginia, in 

Jameftown. The relidence of the Archcel. Amer. vol. iv. pp. 78, 79; 

former is indicated on Smith's map Hamor's True Difcovery, &c., Lon- 

as on the north lide of the river; don, 1615, p. 38; Strachey, p. 56; 

and that of the latter, whofe name Generall Hijiorie, p. 23. 

as here fpelled is a corruption of ^ They arrived at the fort on the 

"Coiacohanauke"or "Quiyoughco- 27th of May. — A Rclatyoti, ifc, p. 

hanock," on the fouth fide. Percy 54. 

calls the chief of the latter tribe * Dryfat. A balket for dry things. 
" the Werowance of Rapahanna." 



lO 



Newes from Virginia. 



Withall fpeede we palHfadoed our Fort: (each other 
day) for fixe or feauen daies we had alarums by am- 
bufcadoes, and foure or fiue cruelly wounded by being 
abroad: the Indians loffe wee know not, but as they 
report three were flain and diuers hurt.^ 

Captaine Newport hauing fet things in order, fet 



1 "The 26th of May, being the 
day before our returne, there came 
above two hundred of them, with 
their kyng, and gave a very furi- 
ous affault to our forte ; endaunger- 
ing their overthrowe, had not the 
fliippe's ordinance, with their fmall 
Ihott, daunted them. They came up 
allmoft into the forte ; fliott through 
the tents ; appeared in this Ikirm- 
ishe (which indured hott about an 
hower) a very valient people. They 
hurt us eleven (whereof one dyed 
after) and killed a boy; yet per- 
ceived they not this hurt in us. 
We killed dy vers of them ; but one 
wee faw them tugg off on their 
backs, and how many hurt we knowe 
not. . . . Foure of the counfell, 
that ftood in front, were hurt in 
mayntayning the forte ; and our 
prelident, Mr. Wynckfeild (who 
fhowed himfelfe a valiant gentle- 
man) had one fliott cleane through 
his bearde, yet fcaped hurte." — A 
Relatyon, &c., as above, pp. 54, 
55. The narrative in the " Gen- 
erall Hiftorie" fays there were "17 
men hurt and a boy flaine " in this 
attack. This led the colonifts to 
fee the importance of completing 
their fortification, on which they 



at once engaged. Percy fays, " The 
fifteenth day of June we had built 
and finilhed our Fort, which was 
triangle wife, hauing three Bul- 
warkes at euery corner like a halfe 
Moone, and foure or fiue pieces of 
Artillerie mounted in them ; we had 
made our felues fufficiently ftrong for 
thefe fauages, &c." — Purckas, vol, iv. 
p. 1689. The favages ftill continued 
to lurk around the fort, but fcarcely 
dared to venture within mulket-fliot. 
On Sunday, the 31ft of May, " they 
came lurking in the thickets and 
long graffe, and a gentleman, one 
Euftace Clovell, unarmed, ftrag- 
ling without the forte, [they] ftiott 
fix arrowes into him; wherewith 
he came runinge into the fort, 
crying, ' Arme, arme ! ' thes ftyck- 
ing ftill. He lived eight dayes, and 
dyed." — A Relatyon, &c., p. 55. 
"What toyle we had, with fo fmall 
a power to guard our workemen 
adays, watch all night, refift our 
enemies, and effedl our bufineffe, 
to relade the fhips . . . and prepare 
the ground to plant our Corne, 
&c., I referre to the Readers con- 
fideration. Six weekes being fpent 
in this manner, Captaine Newport 
(who was hired onely for ovr tranf- 



Newes from Virginia. 



1 1 



faile for England the 226. of June, leauing prouifion 
for 13. or 14 weeks. The day before the Ships de- 
parture, the King of Pamaunke fent the Indian that 
had met vs before in our difcouerie, to affure vs 
peace, our fort being then palifadoed round, and all 
our men in good health and comfort, albeit, that 
throgh fome difcentented humors, it did not fo long 
continue, for the Prelident and Captaine Gofnold, 
with the reft pf the Counfell, being for the mofte part 



portation) was to returne with the 
Ihips. Now Captaine Smith, who 
all this time from their departure 
from the Canaries was reftrained as 
a prifoner vpon the fcandalous fug- 
geftions of fome of the chiefe (envy- 
ing his repute) who fained he in- 
tended to vfurpe the government, 
murther the Councell, and make 
himfelfe King, that his confederals 
were difperfed in all the three fliips, 
and that divers of his confederals 
that revealed it, would affirme it, for 
this he was committed as a prifoner : 
thirteene weekes he remained thus 
fufpedled, and by that time the lliips 
Ihould returne, they pretended out 
of their commifferations, to referre 
him to the Councell in Ettgland to 
receiue a check, rather then by par- 
ticulating his defignes make him 
fo odious to the world, as to touch 
his life, or vtterly overthrow his 
reputation." — Gctierall Hijion'e, 
pp. 43, 43. But by Capt. New- 
port's interceffion, as appears by the 
" Relation " before citod (pp. 56, 57), 
harmony was reftored, and Smith 



was "fworne one of the counfell," 
to which he had been eleifled in 
England. This was on the loth of 
June. Other interefting incidents 
are narrated as taking place up to 
the time of the failing of Newport. 
On the 15th, "We wrought upon 
Clapborde for England." On Sun- 
day, the 2ift, the Communion was 
adminiftered. Percy fays that New- 
port left in the colony at this time 
104 perfons. In the "Generall Hif- 
torie," p. 43, it is erroneously ftated 
that the number of the firlt plan- 
ters was 100. The more correft 
ftatement, that the number was 105, 
is in the original narrative in the 
Oxford trail of 1612. Perhaps Mr. 
Clovell was the only perfon who 
had died, belonging to the party 
of the colonifts,up to this time. 
The date of Newport's failing is 
wrongly given in the " Generall 
Iliftorie" as the 15th. He failed a 
week later, the 32d ; and this date in 
the text is confirmed by Percy, and 
by the writer in the " Relatyon," 
cited above. 



12 Newes from Virginia. 

difcontented with one another in fo much, that things 
were neither carried with that difcretion nor any buli- 
nes effe6led in fuch good fort as wifdome would, nor 
our owne good, and fafetie required, wherby, and 
through the hard dealing of our Prelident, the reft of 
the counfell beeing diuerflie affe6ted through his auda- 
cious commaund, and for Captaine Martin, (albeit verie 
honeft) and wifhing the beft good, yet fo ficke and 
weake, and my felfe fo difgrac'd through others mal- 
lice, through which diforder God (being angrie with 
vs) plagued vs with fuch famin and ficknes, that the 
lining were fcarce able to bury the dead: our want 
of fufficient and good viftualls, with continuall watch- 
ing, foure or fine each night at three Bulwarkes, 
being the cliiefe caufe: onely of Sturgion wee had 
great ftore, whereon our men would fo greedily fur- 
fet, as it coft manye their Hues: [the Sack, Aquauitie, 
and other preferuatiues for our health, being kept 
onely in the Prelidents hands, for his owne diet, and 
his few aflbciates: fhortly after Captaine Gofnold fell 
licke, and within three weekes died,^ Captaine Rat- 
clifte being then alfo verie licke and weake, and my 
felfe hauing alfo tafted of the extremitie therof, but by 
Gods affiltace being well recouered. Kendall about 
this time, for diuers reafons depofed from being of 
the Councell : and fhortly after it pleafed God (in our 
extremity) to moue the Indians to bring vs Corne, 

1 Gofnold died 22 Auguft. — Percy, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1690. 



Newes from Virginia. 



13 



ere it was halfe ripe, to refrefh vs, when we rather 
expe6led when they would deftroy vs: about the 
tenth of September there was about 46. of our men 
dead/ at which time Captaine Wingefield hauing 



1 " From May, to September, 
thofe that efcaped liued vpon Stur- 
geon and Sea-crabs, fiftie in this 
time we buried." — Generall Hif- 
torie, p. 44. " We myfled aboue 
fforty before September did fee us." 
— Wingfield, as above, p. 79. Percy 
gives a fad pidlure of the fufferings 
and mortality of the colonifts at this 
time ; and the reader cannot fail to 
notice a ftriking parallel between 
their condition and that of the Pil- 
grims at Plymouth during the firft 
winter and fpring. He gives the 
names of tiventy-three persons who 
died between the 6th Auguft and 
the 19th September, inclufive, em- 
bracing the name of Bartholomew 
Gofnold, who died the 22d Auguft. 
" Our men," he fays, " were de- 
ftroj'ed with cruell difeafes, as 
Swellings, Flixes, Burning Feuers, 
and by warres, and fome departed 
fuddenly; but for the moft part 
they died of meere famine. There 
were neuer Englijhmen left in a 
forreigne Countrey in fuch miferie 
as wee were in this new difcouered 
Virginia. Wee watched euery three 
nights lying on the bare cold ground 
what weather foeuer came, warded 
all the next daj', whicfi brought our 
men to bee moft feeble wretches ; our 
food was but a fmall Can of Barlie 
fod in water to fiue men a day, our 



drinke cold water taken out of the 
Riuer, which was at a floud verie 
fait, at a low tide full of (lime and 
filth, which was the deftruiflion of 
many of our men. Thus we liued 
for the fpace of fiue moneths in this 
miferable diftreffe, not hauing fiue 
able men to man our Bulwarkes 
vpon any occafion. If it had not 
pleafed God to haue put a terrour 
in the Sauage's hearts, we had all 
perifhed by thofe vild and cruell 
Pagans, being in that weake eftate 
as we were : our men night and 
day groaning in euery corner of 
the Fort moft pittifull to heare ; if 
there were any confcience in men, 
it would make their harts to bleed 
to heare the pittiful murmurings 
& out-cries of our fick men, with- 
out reliefe euery night and day 
for the fpace of fixe weekes, fome 
departing out of the World, many 
times three or foure in a night, in 
the morning their bodies trailed 
out of their Cabines like Dogges *^ 
to be buried : in this fort did I fee 
the mortalitie of diuers of our 
people. It pleafed God, after a 
while, to fend thofe people which 
were our mortall enemies, to releeue 
vs with vidluals, as Bread, Corne, 
Fifh, and FlelTi in great plentie, 
which was the setting vp of our 
feeble men, otherwife wee had all 



14 



Newes from Virginia. 



ordred the affairs in fuch fort that he was generally- 
hated of all, in which refpe6l with one confent he was 
depofed from his prelidencie, and Captaine Ratcliffe 
according to his courfe was ele6ted.^ 

Our prouifion being now within twentie dayes fpent, 
the Indians brought vs great ftore both of Corne and 
bread ready made : and alfo there came fuch abound- 
ance of Fowles into the Riuers, as greatly refrefhed 
our weake eltates, wherevppon many of our weake 
men were prefently able to goe abroad. As yet we 
had no houfes ^ to couer vs, our Tents were rotten, and 



perilhed." — Purclias, vol. iv. p. 1690. 
This fad condition of the colony is 
alfo confirmed in " A Briefe Decla- 
ration of the Plantation of Virginia 
during the firft twelve years when 
S'' Thomas Smyth was Governo'' of 
the Companie [from 1606 to 1619], 
and downe to this prefent tyme 
[1624], by the Ancient Planters now 
remaining alive in Virginia ; " a 
manufcript copy of which, from the 
original in the State-Paper Office, is 
in the pofleffion of Mr. Bancroft. 
On the arrival of Newport with the 
firft fupply, in January, 1608, it is 
here ftated that he "found the col- 
lony confiftinge of no more than 
Forty perfons ; of those, tenn only 
able men." 

1 Wingfield was depofed loth 
September. The charges here made 
againft him are repeated in the nar- 
rative in the " Generall Hiftorie," 
which is uniformly favorable, if 
not defignedly partial, to Smith. 



But Wingfield defends his adminif- 
tration of affairs in Virginia in a 
paper entitled a "Difcourfe of Vir- 
ginia," firft publiftied, in i860, in the 
"Archseologia Americana," vol. iv., 
pp. 76-103, already referred to above, 
and which ftiould be read in con- 
nection with the other narratives. 

2 The opportunities for public 
worfhippoflefl"ed by the colonifts in 
the early fettlement are well de- 
fcribed by Smith in one of his later 
publications : " When I went firft to 
Virginia, I well remember, wee did 
hang an awning (which is an old 
faile) to three or foure trees to 
fhadow us from the Sunne, our walls 
were rales of wood, our feats un- 
hewed trees, till we cut plankes, our 
Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two 
neighbouring trees ; in foule weather 
we Ihifted into an old rotten tent, 
for we had few better, and this came 
by the way of adventure for new; 
this was our Church, till wee built 



^ 



Newes from Virginia. 



15 



our Cabbins worfe then nought: our befl commodi- 
tie was Yron which we made into little chiffels,^ the 
prefident, and Captaine Martins ficknes, conftrayned 
me to be Cape Marchant,^ and yet to fpare no pains in 
making houfes for the company, who notwithftanding 
our mifery, little ceafed their mallice, grudging and 
muttering. As at this time were moll of our chief- 
eft men either licke or difcontented, the reft being in 
such difpaire, as they would rather ftarue and rot with 
idlenes, then be perfwaded to do any thing for their 
owne reliefe without conftraint: our viftualles being 
now within eighteene dayes fpent, and the Indians 
trade decrealing, I was fent to the mouth of y^ riuer, to 



a homely thing like a barne, fet 
upon Cratchets, covered with rafts, 
fedge, and earth, fo was alfo the 
walls : the beft of our houfes of the 
like curiolitj^, but the most part 
farre much worfe workmanlhip, that 
could neither well defend wind nor 
raine, yet wee had daily Common 
Prayer morning and evening, every 
Sunday two Sermons, and every 
three moneths the holy Communion, 
till our Minifter [Robert Hunt, the 
firft clergyman of the colony, 'an 
honeft, religious, and courageous 
Divine '] died, but our Prayers daily, 
with an Homily on Sundaies; we 
continued two or three yeares after 
till more Preachers came : and fure- 
ly God did moft mercifully heare us, 
till the continuall inundations of 
miftaking diredlions, faftions, and 
numbers of unprovided Libertines 



neere confumed us all, as the Ifra- 
elites in the wildernefle." — Adver- 
tijements for Unexperienced Plant- 
ers, Sic, London, 1631, pp. 32, 33. 

1 A period here. 

2 Or Treafurer. Thomas Studly 
had before held this office ; and we 
may fuppofe Percy refers to him 
when he fays, " The eight and 
twentieth day [ of Auguft ] died 
Thomas Stoodie, Cape Merchant; " 
though Studly's name is given, in 
the second part of the " Map of Vir- 
ginia" (the Oxford tradl before re- 
ferred to), as the authority for a 
narrative of events running into a 
later period. Poffibly fome of thofe 
whofe names are appended to this 
part of the narrative, as it appears 
in its enlarged form in the " Gen- 
erall Hiftorie," may have written a 
portion of it as originally publifhed. 



1 6 Newes from Virginia. 

Kegquouhtan^ an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, 
and try the Riuer for Fifh, but our fifhing we could not 
efFe6b by reafon of the ftormy weather. The Indians 
thinking vs neare famifhed, with careleffe kindnes, 
offred vs little pieces of bread, & fmall handfulls of 
beanes or wheat, for a hatchet. or a piece of copper: 
In the like maner I entertained their kindnes, and in 
like fcorne offered them like commodities, but the 
Children, or any that fhewed extraordinary kindenes, 
I liberally contented with free gifte, fuch trifles as 
wel cotented them: finding this colde comfort, I an- 
chored before the Towne, and the next day returned 
to trade, but God (the abfolute difpofer of all heartes) 
altered their conceits, for now they were no lefle de- 
firous of our commodities than we of their Corne: 
vnder colour to fetch frefli water, I sent a man to dif- 
couer the Towne, their Corne, and force, to trie their 
intent, in that they defired me up to their houfes: 
which well vnderftanding, with foure Ihot I vilited 
them, with fifli, oyfters, bread and deere, they kindly 
traded with me and my men, beeing no lefle in doubt 
of my intent, then I of theirs, for well I might with 
twentie men haue fraighted a Shippe with Corne : The 
Towne conteineth eighteene houfes, pleafantly feated 

1 Now Hampton. The account and a very extravagant ftorj of a 

of this expedition, in the fecond fight with the Indians, and other 

part of the "Map of Virginia," is details, are given, quite inconfiftent 

very briefly given ; but it is much with this account, and probably with 

enlai-ged in the " Generall Hiftorie ; " the truth. 



Newes from Virginia. ly 

vpon three acres of ground, vppon a plaine, halfe 
inuironed with a great Bay of the great Riuer, the 
other parte with a Baye of the other Riuer falling into 
the great Baye, with a little He fit for a Caftle in the 
mouth thereof, the Towne adioyning to the maine by 
a necke of Land of fixtie yardes. With fixteene 
bufhells of Corne I returned towards our Forte: by 
the way I encountered with two Canowes of Indians, 
who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of warof- 
koyack,^ a kingdome on the fouth fide of the riuer, 
which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from 
the mouth; with thefe I traded, who hauing but their 
hunting prouifion, requefted me to returne to their 
Towne, where I fhould load my boat with corne, & 
with near thirtie bufhells I returned to the fort, the 
very name wherof gaue great comfort to our defpair- 
ing company: time thus paffing away, & hauing not 
aboue 14. daies vituals left, fome motios were made 
about our prefidents & Capt. Archers going for 
England, to procure a fupply, in which meane time we 
had reafonablly fitted vs with houfes, and our Prefident 
& Capt. Martin being able to walk abroad, with much 
ado it was concluded, that the pinnace and barge fhould 
goe towards Powhatan,^ to trade for corne : Lotts 
were cafl who should go in her, the chance was mine, 

1 This place maj be feen on 2 That is, to the place bearing 

Smith's map, on the fouth fide of that name, near the "falls," on 

the Powhatan orjames River, a little James River. — See page 7 ; alfo 

below " Hog Ille." Smith's map. 



3 



1 8 Newes from Virginia. 

& while fhe was a rigging, I made a voiage to To- 
pohanack, where ariuing, there was but certain wo- 
men & children who fled from their houfes, yet at 
lall I drew them to draw neere, truck they durfl not, 
corne they had plenty, & to fpoil I had no comif- 
fion: In my returne to Pafpahegh,^ I traded with that 
churlifli & trecherous nation: hauing loaded lo or 
12 bufliels of corne, they offred to take our pieces 
and fwords, yet by ftelth, but feeming to diflike it, 
they were ready to aflault vs, yet ftading vpon our 
guard in coalting the Ihore, diuers out of the woods 
would meet with vs with corn & trade, but leall we 
Ihould be conftrained, either to indure ouermuch 
wrong or dire6tly fal to reuenge, feeing them dog vs, 
from place to place, it being night, & our neceffitie 
not fit for warres, we tooke occafion to returne with 
lobufliells of corne: Cap. Martin after made 2 iournies 
to that nation of Pafpahegh but cache time returned 
with 8. or 10. bufliells. All things being now ready 
for my iourney to Powhatan, for the performance 
thereof, I had 8. men and my felfe for the barge, as well 
for discouerie, as trading, the Pinnace, 5. Marriners, 
& 2. landmen to take in our ladings at conuenient 
places.^ The 9 of Nouember I fet forward for the 

1 See page 9, note. 2. I infer or, as it is called on Smith's map, 

from this, and from other paffages, " Quijoughcohanock." The former 

that "Pafpahegh," or the residence of was on the north, and the latter on 

the Indians of that tribe, was nearer the fouth, lide of James River, 

to Jameftown than " Topohanack," ^ If this journey was made to Pow- 



Newes from Virginia. 19 

difcoiiery of the country of Chikhamania, leaving the 
pinnace the next tide to foUowe and Hay for my com- 
ming at Point weanock, 20 miles from our fort: the 
mouth of this riuer falleth into the great riuer at Paf- 
pahegh, 8 miles above our fort: that afternoone I 
flayed the eb, in the bay of Pafpahegh w^ith the 
Indias: towards the euening certaine Indians haled 
me, one of them being of Chickahamania, offred to 
codu6t me to his country, the Pafpabegheans grudged 
thereat: along we went by moonelight, at midnight he 
brought vs before his Towne, defiring one of our men 
to go vp with him, whom he kindely intertained, and 
returned back to the barge : the next morning I went ,- ^ /^ 
vp to the towne, and fhewed them what copper and 
hatchets they fhold haue for corne, each family feek- 
ing to giue me moft content: fo long they caufed me 
to flay y* 100 at leaft was expe6ling my comming by 
the riuer with corne, what I liked I bought, and leaft 
they fhould perceiue my too great want I went higher 
vp the riuer: this place is called Manofquofick^ a quar- 
ter of a mile from the riuer, conteining thirtie or fortie 
houfes, vppon an exceeding high land: at the foote 
of the hill towards the riuer, is a plaine wood, watered 
with many fpringes, which fall twentie yardes right 
downe into the riuer: right againft y* fame is a great 

hatan, at this time, there is no ac- Smith's map ; perhaps fome ten or 
count of it. twelve miles from the mouth of the 

1 "Menofcofic" may be feen on Chickahominy, on that river. 



20 Newes from Virginia. 

marfh, of 4. or 5. miles circuit, cleuided in 2 Hands, 
by the parting of the riuer, abounding with fifh & 
foule of all forts : a mile from thence is a Towne called 
Oraniocke, I further difcouered the Townes of Manfa, 
Apahaocke,Werawahone,& Mamanahut^ at eche place 
kindely vfed, efpecially at the laft, being the hart 
of the Country, where were affembled 200. people 
with fuch aboudace of corne, as hauing laded our 
barge, as alfo I might haue laded a Ihip : ^ I returned to 
Pafpahhegh, & conlidering y^ want of Corne at our 
Fort, it being night, with y® ebb, by midnight I ariued 
at our fort, where I found our Pinnis run aground: 
the next morning I vnladed feaue hogftieds into our^ 
ftore, the next morning I returned againe: the fecond 
day I ariued at Mamanahiit, wher y® people hauing 
heard of my coming, were ready with 3 or 400. bafkets 
litle & great, of which hauing laded my barge, with 
many lignes of great kindnes I returned : at my depar- 
ture they requefted me to hear our pieces, being in the 
midft of the riuer, which in regard of 3'^ eccho feemed 
a peale of ordnance, many birds and fowles they fee 
vs dayly kil that much feared them,^ fo delirous of 
trade wer they, y* they would follow me with their 
canowes, & for any thing giue it me, rather then re- 
turne it back: fo I vnladed again 7 or 8. hogfheads 
at our fort. Hauing thus by Gods affiftance gotten 

1 "Werawahon" and " Maman- ^ A comma, 

hunt" are indicated on Smitli's map. ° A period. 



Newes from Virginia. 21 

good ftore of corne, notwithftanding fome bad fpirlts 
not content with Gods prouidence, Hill grew muti- 
nous, in fo much, that our prelident hauing ocalion 
to chide the fmith for his mifdeamenor, he not only 
gaue him bad language, but alfo offred to ftrike 
him with fome of his tooles, for which rebellious a6l, 
the fmith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged, but 
being vppon the ladder continuing verry obftinate, as 
hoping vpon a refcue : when he faw no other way but 
death with him, he became penitent, & declared a dan- 
gerous confpiracy, for which Captaine Kendall as prin- 
cipal, was by a Jury condened & fhot to death.^ This 
confpiracy appeafed, I fet forward for the difcouery of 
the Riuer of Checka Hamania: this third time I difcou- 
ered y® Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Afcacap, 
moyfenock Righkahauck, Nechanichock, Mattaliat, 
Attamufpincke,^ & diuers others, their plenty of corne 
I found decreafed, yet lading the barge, I returned to 
our fort: our ftore being now indifferently wel pro- 
uided with corne, there was much adoe for to haue 
the pinace goe for England, againft which Captain 
Martin & my felfe, ftanding chiefly againft it, and in 

1 " The Prefident did beat James fo efcaped himfelf. . . . Mr. Ken- 
Read, the Smjth. The Smythe dall was executed, being fliott to 
ftroake him againe. For this he was death for a mutiny." — Wingjield^s 
condempned to be hanged; but, Dijcotirfe, in Archcel. Aine7\,\o\.\y. 
before he was turned of the lather, pp. 90, 91. 

he defired to fpeak with the Prefi- ^ See Smith's map, where many 

dent in private, to whome he ac- of thefe places are laid down, 
cufed Mr. Kendall of a mutiny, and 



2 2 Newes from Virginia. 

fine after many debatings, pro & contra, it was re- 
olued ^ to Itay a further refolutio : this matter alfo 
x--- quieted, I fet forward ^ to finifh this difcouery, which as 
yet I had negle6led in regard of y* neceffitie we had 
to take in prouilion while it was to be had : 40. miles 
I paffed vp y" riuer, which for the moll part is a 
quarter of a mile broad, & 3. fatham & a half deep, 
exceeding ofey, many great low marlhes, & many 
high lads, efpecially about y^ midll at a place called 
Moyfonicke,^ a Peninfule of 4. miles cicuit, betwixt 
two riuers ioyned to the main, by a necke of 40. or 50. 
yards, and 40. or 50 yards from the high water marke: 
on both fides in the very neck of the maine, are high 
hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the He declining in 
a plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marfh, 
more plentie of fwannes, cranes, geefe, duckes, and 
4 mallards, & diuers forts of fowles none would defire: 

more plaine fertile planted ground, in fuch great pro- 
portions as there I had not feene, of a light blacke 
fandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white and yel- 
lowe colored fand, & vnder red & white clay, fifli 
great plenty, & people aboundance, the molt of their 
inhabitants, in view of y^ neck of Land, where a bet- 

1 "Refolued." cund Creek," with the Chickaho- 

2 "The loth of December." — miny. It is cfome twelve or fifteen 
Wingfield, as above, p. 92. miles from the mouth of that river. 

^ "Mojfonec" is laid down, on I fuppofe Smith does not mean to 

Smith's map, on a peninfula, which fay that this place is forty miles up 

would feem to correfpond to that the river, but " about ye midft," or 

formed by the jundlion of " Diaf- half way that diftance. 



Newes from Virginia. 23 

ter feat for a towne cannot be delired: at the end of 
forty miles this riuer inuironeth many low Hands, at 
each high water drowned for a mile, where it vniteth 
it felfe, at a place called Apokant the highefl Towne 
inhabited.-^ 10. miles higher I difcouered with the 
barge, in the mid way, a great tree hindred my pafTage 
which I cut in two : heere the riuer became narrower, 
8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: 
the ftreame exceeding fwift, & the bottom hard chan- 
nell, the ground molt part a low plaine, fandy foyle, 
this occalioned me to fuppofe it might iffue from fome 
lake or fome broad ford, for it could not be far to the 
head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet 
to haue beene able to refolue this doubt, & to dif- 
charge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe 
fufpe6led I durft not for fo long delaying, fome of the 
company as delirous as my felf, we refolued to hier a 
Canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant, there 
to leaue the barge fecure, and put our felues vppon 
the aduenture : the country onely a vaft and wilde wil- 
dernes, and but onely that Towne: within three or 
foure mile we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row 
vs y* next day a fowling: hauing made fuch prouilion 
for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, 
with expreffe charge not any to go aftiore til my re- 

1 " Orapaks," one of the refi- pocant," on or near this river. The 

dences of the Emperor Powhatan, river is not delineated beyond ; but 

is indicated on our author's map as Smith's difcoveries, at this time, 

above the place there spelled "Ap- muft have extended further. 



24 Newes from Virginia. 

turne.^ Though fome wife men may condemn this too 
bould attempt of too much indifcretion, yet if they 
well colider the friendlhip of the Indians, in condu6t- 
ing me, the defolatenes of the country, the propabili- 
tie of fome lacke, & the malicious iudges of my 
a6lions at home, as alfo to haue fome matters of worth 
to incourage our aduenturers in england, might well 
haue caufed any honeft minde to haue done the like, 
as wel for his own difcharge as for the publike good: 
hauing 2 Indians for my guide & 2 of our own com- 
pany, I fet forward, leauing 7 in the barge: hauing 
difcouered 20 miles further in this defart, the riuer Itil 
kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred 
with trees: here we went afhore (being fome 12 miles 
higher then y^ barge had bene)^ to refrefh our selues, 
during the boyling of our vituals : one of the Indians 
I tooke with me, to fee the nature of the foile, & to 
croffe the boughts ^ of the riuer, the other Indian I left 
with M. Robbinfon and Thomas Emry, with their 
matches light* and order to difcharge a peece, for my 
retreat at the firfl light of any Indian, but within a 

1 " But hee was not long abfent, with the barge. Thej then returned 
but his men went a fliore, whofe to that place, where Smith left the 
want of government gaue both oc- barge, with feven men in it; and, 
calion and opportunity to the Sal- hiring a canoe and two Indians, 
vages to furprife one George CaJJen, with two of his own company, went 
whom they flew, and much failed again up the river, " fome twelve 
not to haue qut of the boat and all miles higher than the barge had 
the reft." — Generall Hijlorie, p. 46. been." 

2 It appears that the party at firft ^ The " bendings " of the river, 
went ten miles above "Apocant" * Thefe guns were matchlocks. 



Newes from Virginia. 25 

quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing 
of Indians, but no warning peece, fuppofing them fur- 
prifed, and that the Indians had betraid vs,^ prefently I 
feazed him^ & bound his arme faft to my hand in a 
garter, with my piftoll ready bent to be reuenged on 
him: he aduifed me to fly, and feemed ignorant of 
what was done, but as we went difcourling, I was 
ftruck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without 
harme: vpon this occalion I efpied 2 Indians drawing 
their bowes, which I preuented in difcharging a 
french piftoll: by that I had charged againe 3 or 4 
more did the like, for the firfl: fell downe and fled : at 
my difcharge they did the like, my hinde I made my 
barricado who offered not to fl;riue, 20. or 30. arrowes 
were fliot at me but fhort, 3 or 4 times I had dif- 
charged my pifl;oll ere the king of Pamauck called 
Opeckakenough ^ with 200 men, inuironed me, cache 

1 He refers to the two Indians On the death of the latter in 1618, at 
who were then with them. The an advanced age, he was fucceeded, 
following paffage from the "Gen- according to the regular order of fuc- 
erall Hiftorie," page 46, does not ceffion, bj his brother, Opitchafan, 
appear in the narrative as originally next in age to himfelf, "who is fome- 
printed in the "Map of Virginia"; times called Itopatin and Ocatan ;'"' 
viz., "The Salvages hauing drawne and who, upon his acceflion, again 
from George Caffen [who had been changed his name to Sajaxvpen, " as 
left below with others in the Barge] Opechancanough, upon the like oc- 
whether [whither.?] Captaine Smith cafion, changed his name to Man- 
was gone, profecuting that oppor- gopeeotnen. Opitchapan, being de- 
tunitj', they followed him with 300. crepid in body and inert in mind, was 
bowmen," &c. in a fhort time pradlically fucceeded 

2 The Indian he had with him. in the government by his younger, 
^ This chief of the Pamaunkeys bolder, and more ambitious broth- 
was the fecond brother of Powhatan. er, the famous Opeckancanough" — 



26 Newes from Virginia. 

drawing their bowe, which done they laid them vpon 
the ground, yet without fhot, my hinde treated betwixt 
them and me of conditions of peace, he difcouered 
me to be the Captaine, my requeft was to retire to y^ 
boate, they demaunded my armes, the reft they faide 
were flaine, onely me they would referue : the Indian 
importuned me not to ftioot. In retiring being in the 
midft of a low quagmire, and minding them more then 
my fteps, I ftept faft into the quagmire, and alfo the 
Indian in drawing me forth: thus furprifed, I refolued 
to trie their mercies, my armes I cafte from me, till 
which none durft approch me: being ceazed on me, 
they drew me out and led me to the King, I prefented 
him with a compafTe diall, defcribing by my beft meanes 
the vfe therof, whereat he fo amazedly admired, as he 
fuffered me to proceed in a difcourfe of the roundnes 
of the earth, the courfe of the funne, moone, ftarres 
and plannets, with kinde fpeeches and bread he re- 
quited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and 
John Robbinfon flaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. 
Emry I faw not, I perceiued by the aboundance of 
fires all ouer the woods, at each place I expefted 
when they would execute me, yet they vfed me with 

Stitk, p. 155 ; Campbell, p. 131. rowance." This tribe, " a warlike 

This chief a6led an important part and free people," had only a nominal 

in the hiftory of Virginia for twen- dependence on Powhatan, and had 

tj-five years, dying, in 1640, at been governed, not by a king, but 

nearly an hundred years of age. In by their priefts and elders. — Stra- 

1616, he was chofen by the Chicka- ckey, pp. 61, 62; Stith, p. 141. 
homines to be their king or "We- % 



Newes from Virginia. 27 

what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne,^ 
which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely 
made as arbors and couered with mats, which they 
remoue as occafion requires: all the women and chil- 
dren, being aduertifed of this accident, came foorth to 
meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 

5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a fword 

6 a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, 
then I on each hand a boweman, the reft in file in the 
reare, which reare led foorth amongft the trees in a 
biftiion,^ cache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, 
a quiuer at his back grimly painted: on cache flanck a 
fargeant, the one running alwaiss towards the front 
the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in 
exceeding good order, this being a good time con- 
tinued, they cafte themfelues in a ring with a daunce, 
and fo cache man departed to his lodging, the Captain 
condu6ting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venifon 
and fome ten pound of bread I had for fupper, what 

1 This was at " Orapaks " (" Gen- of General Sumner's bridges (per- 

erall Hiftorie," p. 47), one of the haps further up), on the Chicka- 

refidences of the Emperor Powhatan, hominy, when he was taken prifon- 

who, at this time, was living at er. — See Proceedings Anier. Antiq. 

" Werowocomoco." " Orapaks " Soc. for Odiober, 1S64, p. 58. 
was fome diftance from " Appo- ^ " The foldiers, all in fjle, per- 

cantp" up the river, and about twelve formed the forme of a Bijfom fo well 

miles eaft or north-eaft from the as could be." — Generall Hijlorie., 

Falls near Richmond. — See Camp- p. 47. " Billiion " or " biflbm " was 

bell's Hiftory of Virginia, Philadel- probably a military term, the mean- 

phia, i860, p. 130; and alfo confult ing of which I am notable fatisfac- 

Smith's map. Smith muft have torily to explain, 
been fomewhere in Ae neighborhood 



2 8 Newes from Virginia. 

I left was referued for me, and fent with me to my 
lodging: each morning 3. women prefeted me three 
great platters of fine bread, more venifon then ten 
men could deuour I had, my gowne, points and gar- 
ters, my compas and a tablet they gaue me again, 
though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what 
they could deuife to content me: and fbill our longer 
acquaintance increafed our better affe6lion : much they 
threatened to affault our forte, as they were folicited 
by the King of Pafpahegh, who fhewed at our fort 
great lignes of forrow for this mifchance: the King 
tooke great delight in vnderltanding the manner of our 
fhips, and fayling the feas, the earth & skies and of 
our God: what he knew of the dominions he fpared 
not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed 
at a place called Ocanahonan,^ cloathed like me,^ the 
courfe of our riuer, and that within 4 or 5 dales iour- 
ney of the falles, was a great turning of fait water: I 
defired he would fend a meffenger to Pafpahegh,^ with 

1 See Strachej, p. 26, cited below. ginia" in Arckceol. Amer. vol. iv. pp. 

^ The colonifts at Jameftown were 34-37 ; alio Smith, in Generall Hif- 

eager to get any information con- iort'e, p. 25 ; and Map of Vijginia, 

cerning Ralegh's loft colony at p. 9. Purchas has this paffage on 

Roanoke, hoping that there might the margin of page 1728, of vol. iv. 

yet be fome furvivors; and, fubfe- of his " Pilgrimes " : — "Powhatan 

quently, fearch was made for them. confeffed that hee had bin at the 

From Strachey's " Hiftory of Tra- murther of that [Ralegh's] Colonic, 

vaile," &c., page 26, publifhed by the and Ihewed a Mulket barrell and a 

Hakluyt Society in 1849, there is braffe Mo rter, and certaine peeces of 

fome reafon to believe that feven of Iron which had bin theirs." 
thefe colonifts were living at this ^ That is, to Jameftown. — See 

time. — See Mr. Hale's Introduction pigs 9, note 2. 
to ^^JVeivport's Difcoveries in Vir- 



Newes from Virginia. 29 

a letter I would write, by which they fhold vnder- 
fland, how kindly they vfed me, and that I was well, 
leaft they fhould reuenge my death: this he granted 
and lent three men, in fuch weather, as in reafon were 
vnpoffible, by any naked to be indured: their cruell 
mindes towards the fort I had deuerted, in defcribing 
the ordinance & the mines in the fields, as alfo the 
reuenge Captain Newport would take of them at his 
returne, their intent, I incerted ^ the fort, the people of 
Ocanahonum and the back fea, this report they after 
found diuers Indians that confirmed: the next day 
after my letter, came a faluage to my lodging, with his 
fword to haue flaine me, but being by my guard inter- 
cepted, with a bowe and arrow he offred to haue 
effefted his purpofe: the caufe I knew not, till the 
King vnderftanding thereof came and told me of a 
man a dying, wounded with my piftoll: he tould me 
alfo of another I had llayne, yet the mofl concealed 
they had any hurte: this was the father of him I had 
flayne, whofe fury to preuent, the King prefently con- 
ducted me to another Kingdome, vpon the top of the 
next northerly riuer, called Youghtanan,^ hauing feafted 

1 The author probably means, in the back fea," &c. "In part of a 

this badly written and badly punc- Table booke, he writ his minde to 

tuated paflage, that he certified or them at the Fort, what was intend- 

informed thofe at the fort of the ed," &c. — Gencrall HiJloHe, p. 47. 

"intent" of the Indians refpefting 2 " Youghtanund " River is the 

them : he alfo communicated to fame now called " Pamunkey Riv- 

them what he had heard concerning er," which unites with the " Matta- 

"the people of Ocanahonum, and pony" (called by Smith " Mattapa- 



30 Newes from Virginia. 

me, he further led me to another branch of the riuer, 
called Mattapament/ to two other hunting townes they 
led me, and to each of thefe Countries, a houfe of the 
great Emperour of Pewhakan,^ whom as yet I suppofed 
to bee at the Fals,^ to him I tolde him I muft goe, and 
fo returne to Pafpahegh, after this foure or fiue dayes 
march, we returned to Rafa wrack,* the firft towne they 
brought me too, where binding the Mats in bundles, 
they marched two dayes iourney, and crofled the Riuer 
of Youghtanan, where it was as broad as Thames : 
fo conducting me too a place called Menapacute^ in 
Pamaunke, where y® King inhabited: the next day 
another King of that nation called Kekataugh,^ hauing 
receiued fome kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly inuited 
me to feaft at his houfe, the people from all places 
flocked to fee me, each fliewing to content me. By 
this the great King^ hath foure or fiue houfes, each 

nient ") at Weft Point, the two there "Monacans," a nation hoftile to 

forming the "York River," or the Powhatan, and where Opechanca- 

"Pamaunk" of Smith's map. nough certainly would not have 

1 Or " Mattapanient." See note taken Smith. Some other place muft 
next preceding. have been intended. 

2 Probably a mifprint for " Pow- ^ " Menapucunt," between the 
hatan." " Youghtanand " and " Mattapani- 

^ See ante, page 6, note 2. ent" rivers, not far from their junc- 

* The firft town Smith was tion. 

brought to after he was taken prif- ^ Spelled "Katatough" on p. 5^; 

oner was " Orapaks." — See ante, the youngeft brother of Powhatan, 

page 2J. If "Rafawrack" is the and one of the kings of Pamaunke. 

fame as " Raflwek " on his map, or '' By "the great King," Smith 

" Rafauweak," as he elfewhere calls probably means the Emperor Pow- 

it, it is lituated on the Powhatan hatan, who had many relidences in 

River, above the falls, among the his dominions, and removed to them 



Newes from Virginia. 3 1 

containing fourfcore or an hundred foote in length, 
pleafantly feated vpon an high fandy hill, from whence 
you may fee wefterly a goodly low Country, the 
riuer before the which his crooked courfe caufeth 
many great Marfhes of exceeding good ground. An 
hundred houfes, and many large plaines are here to- 
gither inhabited, more abundance of fifh & fowle, 
and a pleafanter feat cannot be imagined: the King 
with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to dif- 
charge my Piftoll, which they there prefented me with 
a mark at fix fcore to ftrike therewith but to fpoil the 
practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were much 
difcontented though a chaunce fuppofed. 

From hence this kind King conducted mee to a place 
called Topahanocke,^ a kingdome vpon another Riuer 
northward: the caufe of this was, that the yeare be- 
fore, a fhippe had beene in the Riuer of Pamaunke, 
who hauing been kindly entertained by Powhatan their 
Emperour, they returned thence, and difcouered the 
Riuer of Topahanocke, where being receiued with 
like kindneffe, yet he flue the King, and tooke of his 
people, and they fuppofed I were hee, but the people 
reported him a great man that was Captaine, and vfmg 
mee kindly, the next day we departed. 

whenever it fuited his convenience The prefent town of "Tappahan- 

or pleafure. nock" lies on the fouth fide the 

1 Situated, on Smith's map, on river, fifty miles from its mouth in 

the north fide of the " Tappahan- Chefapeake Bay. 
cck," now " Rappahannock River." 



32 



Newes from Virginia. 



This River of Topahanock, seemeth in breadth not 
much lefle then that we dwell vpon. At the mouth 
of the Riuer is a Countrey called Guttata women up- 
wards is Marraugh tacum Tapohanock, Appamatuck, 
and Nantaugs tacum,^ at Topmanahocks, the head iffu- 
ing from many Mountains, the next night I lodged at a 
hunting town of Powhatams,^ and the next day arriued 
at Waranacomoco ^ vpon the riuer of Pamauncke, 



1 There fhould be a femicolon 
here ; and the reader need not be 
told that there fliould be a point after 
" Marraugh tacum " and after " Gut- 
tata women." All thefe places (ex- 
cept " Appamatuck," the name of a 
well-known tribe on the Ibuth of the 
Powhatan River), with a flight vari- 
ation in the orthography, may be 
feen on Smith's map, lying on the 
river "Topahanock." The printer 
of the black letter has made fad work 
of Smith's manufcript in the follow- 
ing fentence. It ftiould read, " at 
top, Manahocks, the head iffuing 
from many Mountains. I The "Man- 
nahoacks " were a well-known tribe, 
independent of Powhatan. ' 

2 In the fubfequently written ac- 
count in the " Generall Hiftorie," 
page 48, Smith is faid to have been 
brought to the "King's habitation 
at Pamavnkee " (that is, to the 
refidence of " Opechancanough "), 
after his journey to the various places 
above defcribed. He was here a 
gueft alfo of " Opitchapan," the 
brother and fucceflbr of Powhatan, 
who lived near. Before taken to 
" Werowocomoco," the next move, 



Smith was entertained with thofe 
" ftrange and fearfuU coniurations," 
defcribed on pp. 41, 42, as having 
taken place at the town to which he 
was firft brought (Orapaks) when 
taken prifoner. 

^ This, the principal and favorite 
refidence of Powhatan at this period, 
was fituated on the north fide of 
" Pamaunke," now York River, in 
Gloucefter County, only a few miles 
diftant from the hiftorie field of 
Yorktown, on the other fide the 
river. Mr. Campbell, in his recent 
hiftory of Virginia, locates the place 
at "Powhatan's Chimney," on the 
eaft fide of " Timber- neck Bay," 
where ftands the old ftone chimney, 
which Biftiop Meade, who made a pil- 
grimage to fee it, thinks is the verit- 
able one built for the old chief by the 
colonifts. Powhatan fubfequently re- 
moved to " Orapaks," a retired place 
" in the defert," at the top of the 
river Chickahominy. — Generall 
Hijlorie, p. 37 ; Campbell, pp. 18, 
49, 62, 63, 67, 159, 130; Compare 
Bijhop Meade's Old Churches, &c., 
of Virginia, vol. i. pp. 336, 350. - 



Newes from Virginia. 



33 



where the great king is relident: by the way we paffed 
by the top of another little riuer, which is betwixt 
the two called Payankatank. The molt of this Coun- 
trey though Defert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber, 
moll hils and in dales, in each valley a criltall fpring. 

Arriuing at Weramocomoco their Emperour,^ proud- 
ly lying vppon a Bedftead a foote high vpon tenne or 
twelue Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of 
great Pearles about his necke,^ and couered with a 



1 This was the firft time Smith 
had met with the Emperor Powha- 
tan. It would feem that both Smith 
and Captain Newport, on their firft 
voyage up the James River, fup- 
pofed that the chief whofe refidence 
was at " Powhatan," near the falls, 
and who there entertained them, 
was the Emperor himfelf. The mif- 
take arofe from the name of the 
place correfponding to the name 
which the Emperor then bore. He 
took his name from this feat, which 
was one of his inheritances. Smith 
fays, " His proper name is Wakun- 
fonacock. Some Countries he hath 
which haue beene his anceftors, and 
came vnto him by inheritance, as 
the Country called Powhatan, Arro- 
hateck, Apfamatuck, Pamavnkee, 
Youghtanund, and Alattanient. All 
the reft of his Territories exprefled 
in the Mappe, they report haue beene 
his feverall Conquefts. " — " And 
they were bounded, " fays Stith 
(page 54), "on the South by James 
River, with all its Branches, from 
the Mouth to the Falls, and fo 



acrofs the Country, nearly as high 
as the Falls of all the Rivers, over 
Patotvmack even to Patuxen in Afa- 
ryland." — "In all his ancient in- 
heritances," says Smith, "he hath 
houfes built after their manner like 
arbours, fome 30, fome 40. yards 
long, and at every houfe provifion 
for his entertainment according to 
the time." — Generall Hijiorie, p. 37. 
The chief feen by Newport and 
Smith, at " Powhatan," may have 
been the one defcribed by Strachey 
(page 56) as one of the fons of 
the emperor, and named after him 
" Tanx Powhatan ; " meaning Little 
Powhatan. 

2 This paffage is awkwardly ex- 
prefled. The writer means to fay 
that the Emperor was lying on a 
bedftead, on which were ten or 
twelve mats; that many chains of 
great pearls hung about his neck; 
and that he was covered with a 
great garment of raccoon fkins. In 
the narrative in the " Generall Hif- 
torie," pages 48, 49, it is ftated thus : 
"Before a fire vpon a feat like a 



34 Newes from Virginia. 

great Couering of Rahaughcums : ^ At heade fat a wo- 
man, at his feete another, on each lide fitting vppon a 
Matte vppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men 
on each fide the fire, tenne in a ranke, and behinde 
them as many yong women, each a great Chaine 
of white Beades ouer their flioulders : their heades 
painted in redde and with fuch a graue and Majesti- 
call countenance, as draue me into admiration to fee 
fuch ftate in a naked Saluage, hee kindly welcomed 
me with good wordes, and great Platters of fundrie 
Victuals, afluring mee his friendfliip, and my libertie 
wdthin foure dayes, hee much delighted in Opechan 
Conoughs relation of what I had defcribed to him, 
and oft examined me vpon the fame.^ Hee afl^ed mee 

bedftead, he fat covered with a great ration " &c., of Virginia, London, 

robe, made of Rarowcun Ikinnes, 1610, p. 29, the word is fpelled 

and all the tajles hanging hy. On "Arocoun." Wood, in his." New 

either hand did fit a joung wench England's Profpedl," fpells the word 

16 or 18 jeares, and along on each " Rackoon ;" and Joffeljn gives it 

fide the houfe, two rowes of men, according to our prefent orthog- 

and behind them as many women, raphy. It will be feen on page 4^ 

with all their heads and Ihoulders that another mode of fpelling is at- 

painted red ; many of their heads tempted. Some authorities derive 

bedecked with the white downe of the word from the French Raton. 

Birds ; but every one with fome- ^ The account in the " Generall 

thing; and a great chayne of white Hiftorie," (p. 49) following the paf- 

beads about their necks." fage quoted in note 2, of the page 

1 Our author's ingenuity muft immediately preceding, continues 

have been feverely taxed in attempt- thus: "At his entrance before the 

ing to fpell this word. I fuppofe he King, all the people gaue a great 

aims to give the manner of its Ihout. The Qiieene of Appamaiuck 

pronunciation by the natives of was appointed to bring him water to 

Virginia. He elfewhere fpells it wafh his hands, and another brought 

" Aroughcun." In a "Trve Decla- him a bunch of feathers, inftead of a 



Newes from Virginia. 35 

the caufe of our comming, I tolde him being in fight 
with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing ouer powred, 
neare put to retreat,^ and by extreme weather put to 
this fhore, where landing at Chefipiack, the people 
fhot vs, but at Kequoughtan they kindly vfed us,^ we 
by lignes demaunded frefh water, they defcribed vs vp 
the Riuer was all frefh water, at Pafpahegh, alfo they 
kindly vfed vs, our Pinnffe being leake wee were 
inforced to flay to mend her, till Captain Newport my 
father came to condu6l vs away. He demaunded 
why we went further with our Boate, I tolde him, in 
that I would haue occalion to talke of the backe Sea, 
that on the other fide the maine, where was fait water, 
my father had a childe flaine, which wee fuppofed 
Monocan ^ his enemie,* whofe death we intended to 
reuenge. 

Towell to dry them : having feafted him afwell of all occupations as 

him after their bell barbarous man- themfelues." See page 38, note 3. 
ner thej could, a long confultation ^ The ftorj about " being in fight 

was held, but the conclufion was, with the Spaniards," was, of courfe, 

two great ftones were brought be- a fabrication; and it will be feen, 

fore Powhatan : then as many as throughout this interview, that 

could layd hands on him, dragged Smith avoided telling Powhatan 

him to them, and thereon laid his that the Englilli had come to fettle 

head, and being ready with their in the country. 

clubs to beate out his braines, Poca- ^ See pages 3 and 5, notes. There 

honfas, the Kings deareft daughter, Ibould be a period here, and after 

when no intreaty could prevaile, " frelTi water," below, 
got his head in her armes, and ^ The "Monacans,"reprefentedon 

laid her owne vpon his, to faue him Smith's map as living at the head 

from death : whereat the Emperour of the Powhatan River ; fuppofed by 

was contented he Ihould Hue to fome writers to be the anceftors of 

make him hatchets, and her bells, the " Tuscaroras." 
beads, and copper; for they thought * [Had occafionedi*] 



36 Newes from Virginia. 

After good deliberation, hee began to defcribe mee 
the Countreys beyond the Falles, with many of the 
reft, confirming what not only Opechancanoyes, and 
an Indian which had been prifoner to Pewhatan had 
before tolde mee, but fome called it fine dayes, fome 
fixe, some eight, where the fayde w^ater dafhed amongeft 
many ftones and rocks, each ftorme ^ which caufed oft 
tymes the heade of the Riuer to bee brackifh: Ancha- 
nachuck ^ he defcribed to bee the people that had flaine 
my brother, whofe death hee would reuenge. Hee de- 
fcribed alfo vpon the fame Sea, a mighty Nation called 
Pocoughtronack,^ a fierce Nation that did eate men? 
and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, and Patar- 
omerke,* Nations vpon the toppe of the heade of 
the Bay, vnder his territories, where the yeare before 
they had flain an hundred, he fignified their crownes 
were fhauen, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, 
Swords like PoUaxes. 

Beyond them he defcribed people with fhort Coates, 
and Sleeues to the Elbowes, that pafled that way in 
Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee defcribed 
mee to the heade of the Bay, which feemed to bee 
a mightie Riuer, ifTuing from mightie Mountaines 

^ The comma after "rocks" fhould ^ " Bocootawwanauks," in Stra- 

be here. chej, p. 27. 

2 Probably the fame as "Atquan- * " Moyaons " may be feen on 

achucke," a tribe whofe feat is indi- Smith's map, on the left bank of the 

cated by Smith on the north-eaft " Potawomeck " River, nearly north 

corner of his map. of " Potapaco," now called "Port 

Tobacco." 



Newes from Virginia. 37 

betwixt the two Seas, the people clothed at Ocama- 
howan. He alfoe confirmed/ and the Southerly Coun- 
tries alfo, as the reft, that reported vs to be within a 
day & a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock,^ 
6. fro Roonock,^ to the South part of the backe fea: 
he defcribed a countrie called Anone,^ where they 
haue abundance of Brafle, and houfes walled as ours. 
I requited his difcourfe, feeing what pride hee had in 
his great and fpacious Dominions, feeing that all hee 
knewe were vnder his Territories.^ 

In defcribing to him the territories of Europe, 
which was fubje6l to our great King whofe fubje6l I 
was, the innumerable multitude of his ftiips, I gaue 
him to vnderftand the noyfe of Trumpets, and terrible 
manner of fighting were vnder captain Newport my 
father, whom I intituled the Meworames ^ which they 
call King of all the waters, at his greatneffe hee 



1 This claufe probably belongs to * "To the southweft Anoeg, . . . 
the previous sentence. He means whofe houfes are built as ours, ten 
that the account before received, dales diftant from us." — Strachey's 
concerning the people clothed at Hiftoric of Travaile, p. 48. 

" Ocamahowan," was alfo confirmed ^ There fhould be a comma here, 

bj Powhatan, and the paffage is conne<5led with 

2 The feats of the " Mangoags " what follows. 

and the "Chawons" are placed on ^ A typographical error for "We- 

thefouthpartof Smith's map. "Cha- rowance." The paffage Ihould read 

wanok" river, now "Chowan Riv- thus: "I gave him to underftand 

er," empties into Albemarle Sound. the . . . terrible manner of fighting 

— See Smith's map of " Ould Vir- . . . under Captain Newport, my 

ginia; " alfo De Bry's map, on which father, whom I intitled Werowance 

thefe places are laid down. (which they call King) of all the 

^ The feat of Ralegh's loft colony. waters." 



38 



Newes from Virginia. 



admired, and not a little feared: hee defired mee to 
forfake Pafpaliegh/ and to Hue with him vpon his 
Riuer, a Countrie called Capa Howaficke : ^ hee prom- 
ifed to giue me Corne, Venifon, or what I wanted to 
feede vs, Hatchets and Copper wee fhould make him, 
and none fhould dillurbe vs. This requell I promifed 
to performe : and thus hauing with all the kindnes hee 
could deuife, fought to content me : hee fent me home 
with 4. men, one that vfually carried my Gowne and 
Knapfacke after me, two other loded with bread, and 
one to accompanie me.^ 



1 A typographical error for " Paf- 
pahegh." — See ;page 9, note 2. 

^ " Capahowolick " is on Smith's 
map, a Ihort diftance below " Wero- 
wocomoco," on the fame fide the 
river. 

^ The moft indifferent reader can- 
not fail to notice the marked dif- 
crepancj between Smith's original 
account, in the text, of the manner 
in which he was received by Pow- 
hatan, when firft brought to him a 
prifoner, and the account on pp. 
34-5, from the " Generall Hiftorie." 
In the former account, his reception 
by the Emperor, and the treatment 
he received from him during his 
ftay at Werowocomoco, are mark- 
ed by kindnefs and courtefy; and 
no mention whatever is made of 
the young child Pocahontas, whofe 
name is introduced for the firft 
time at a fubfequent period in this 
narrative. In the latter account, 
he is no fooner brought before 



Powhatan than preparations are 
made " to beate out his braines " 
with clubs, and his life is finally 
faved only by the intervention of Po- 
cahontas. I have ventured in anoth- 
er place (in a note on Wingfield's 
"Difcourfe of Virginia," in Arch- 
aeol. Amer. vol. iv. pp. 92-95) to 
fuggeft that this ftory is one of the 
embellilhments with which Smith's 
later works were fometimes adorned. 
The reader Ihould bear in mind 
that the account in the text was 
written by Smith himfelf on the 
fpot. He, alone, of the colonifts 
could tell the ftory of his capture 
and imprifonment, and this is his 
report. That no ftory inconfiftent 
with this was told by him on his 
return to Jameftown may be in- 
ferred from Wingfield, who was 
there, and who gives briefly the 
principal fa6ls attending Smith's 
imprifonment; namely, that his life 
was imperilled only at the time of 



Newes from Virginia. 



39 



This Riuer of Pamaunke is not paft twelue mile 
from that we dwell on, his courfe northweft, and wef- 



his falling into the hands of "Pa- 
maonke's men ; " and that, by means 
of his guide, his life was faved. 
Nothing is faid of Pocahontas ; and 
Powhatan's name is mentioned only 
in conneiftion with the facfl, that, 
when Smith was brought before 
him a prifoner, he fent him home to 
Jameftown. The only other contem- 
porary account of Smith's captui'C 
is -the one originally written by the 
companions of Smith, and print- 
ed as an appendix to his book, 
entitled " Map of Virginia," &c., 
publilhed at Oxford in 1612. The 
firft part of this book is a "De- 
fcription of Virginia," or a geog- 
raphy of the country, originally 
written by Smith while in the col- 
ony, and fent home, with the draught 
of his map, by Newport, before the 
clofe of the year 1608. — (See Letter 
to the " Treafurer and Councell " 
in " Generall Hiftorie," pp. 70-72.) 
The appendix, — the hiftorical por- 
tion of this book, — fo far as it 
embraces the time of Smith's refi- 
dence in the colony, is a continued 
eulogy of Smith ; around whom 
the principal events narrated are 
grouped. It contains a brief ac- 
count of his imprifonment, as told, 
of courfe, by himfelf to his compan- 
ions, at Jameftown ; but the reader 
will not find the leaft intimation of 
any thing on which to found this 
romantic ftory. The " Generall Hif- 
torie," from which the extrad: above 
is taken, was firft printed, as I have 



before ftated, in 1624. This work is 
chiefly a compilation, including ex- 
tra6ls from Hakluyt,Brereton,Rofier, 
Hamor, " Mourt's Relation," Winf- 
low's " Good News," Whitbourne, 
and others, befides the whole of 
Smith's previous publications, ex- 
cept this prefent work — " The True 
Relation," of 1608. For the period 
covering Smith's refidence in Vir- 
ginia, the narrative in the appendix 
to the "Map of Virginia," &c., 
written, as I have faid, by Smith's 
companions, is introduced into the 
"Generall Hiftorie;" but many 
changes are made in the text as 
originally written, and new paffages 
are inserted, fome of which are of 
an extravagant charailer, and give 
to the narrative an air of romance. 
The paffage relating to the Poca- 
hontas ftory, above cited, is one of 
thefe. I fuppofe Smith muft be 
held refponfible for all this : for, al- 
though he had probably fallen into 
the hands of Michael Sparks, the 
publilher, ftill the work is iflued in 
his own name ; and at the conclufion 
of chapter ii., which covers the pe- 
riod of his imprifonment, his initials 
("I. S.") appear, indicating him as 
one of the writers. 

Although the account of Smith's 
refcue by Pocahontas is for the 
the firft time circumftantially told in 
the " Generall Hiftorie," it would 
appear that he claimed, in 1616 or 
1617, when Pocahontas, now the 
Lady Rebecca, was in England, 



40 



Newes from Virginia. 



terly, as the other. Weraocomoco, is vpon fait water, 
in bredth two myles, and fo keepeth his courfe without 
any tarrying fome twenty miles,^ where at the parting 
of the frefh water and the fait, it diuideth it felfe into 
two partes, the one part to Goughland,^ as broad as 



and in great favor at court as the 
daughter of an Emperor, to have 
had this fervice rendered to him bj 
her. If his ow^n ftorj is true, he at 
that time addreffed a letter, or " a 
little booke," to Queen Anne (who 
died in 1619), of vsrhich he gives 
" an abftradl " in the " Generall 
Hiflorie," pp. 121-123. In this, he 
fpeaks of having been taken prifoner 
bj Powhatan when in Virginia, and 
of the " exceeding great courtelie " 
he received from him, from his fon 
Nantaquaus, and from Pocahontas, 
then " a childe of twelue or thirteene 
jeeres of age [he fays in the text, 
under a little later date, that fhe 
was " a child of tenne years old." — 
See page 72]) whofe companionate 
pitiful! heart, of my defperate eftate, 
gaue me much caufe to refpedl her. 
. . . After fome fix weeks [he was 
abfent but four weeks] fatting 
amongft thofe Saluage Courtiers, 
at the minute of my execution, flie 
hazarded the beating out of her 
owne braines to faue mine," &c. A 
brief reference is made in his " New 
Englands Trials," of 1622, to his 
having been "delivered" by Poca- 
hontas ; after he had been taken 
prifoner "by the folly of them that 
fled " — a new verfion of the capture. 
It is fafer, I think, to follow the Am- 



ple, original narrative, written on 
the fpot, with none of thofe motives 
to embellifh it which were fubfe- 
quently furnifhed. Smith was a true 
knight errant, and was always ready 
to go down on his knees to the fair 
fex, and to confefs the obligations 
he owed to many famous ladies. In 
his dedication of the " Generall Hif- 
orie " to the Duchefs of Richmond, 
he fays, "The beautious Lady Trag- 
abigzanda, when I was a flaue to the 
Turkes, did all ftie could to fecure 
me. When I overcame the Ba/ha-w 
of Nalbrits in Tartaria, the chari- 
table Lady Callamata fupplied my 
neceflities. In the vtmoft of many 
extremities, that bleffed Pokakontas, 
the great Kings daughter of Virginia, 
oft faved my life. When I efcaped the 
crueltie of Pirats and moft furious 
ftormes, a long time alone in a fmall 
Boat at Sea, and driven aihore in 
France, the good Lady, Madam 
Chanoyes, bountifully aflifted me." 

1 Smith probably means that the 
river keeps its courfe without any 
obftrudlion for twenty miles ; that is, 
tracing it upward from Powhatan's 
refidence to the point where the two 
ftreams which run into the main 
river meet. — See ;page 29, note 2. 

2 I find no fuch name on Smith's 
map, or elfewhere. 



Newes from Virginia. 41 

Thames, and naulgable, with a Boate threefcore or 
fourefcore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie, exceeding 
crooked, and manie low grounds and marifhes, but 
inhabited with aboundance of warlike and tall people. 
The Countrey of Youghtomam,^ of no leffe worth, 
onely it is lower, but all the foyle, a fatte, fertill, fandie 
ground. Aboue Manapacumter,^ many high fandie 
Mountaines. By the Riuer is many Rockes, feeming 
if not of feuerall Mines : The other branch ^ a little 
leffe in breadth, yet extendeth not neare fo farre, nor 
fo well inhabited, fomewhat lower, and a white fandie, 
and a white clay foyle: here is their beft Terra Sigil- 
lata: The mouth of the Riuer, as I fee in the difcouerie 
therof with captain Newport,* is halfe a mile broad, 
& within foure miles not aboue a Mufket Shot: the 
channell exceeding good and deepe, the Riuer straight 
to the deuifions. Kifkirk^ the neareft Nation to the 
entrances. 

Their religion and Ceremonie I obferued was thus : 
three or foure dayes after my taking feuen of them in 
the houfe where I lay, each with a rattle began at ten 

1 " Youghtanund." See fage 2^. this river. The gazetteers fay it is 

2 Probably " Menapucunt." — 6'ee from two to two and a half miles 
fage 30, note 5. wide from its mouth to the conflu- 

^ The " Mattapanient."— 5'eejzi«^e ence of the two main ftreams, a dif- 

30, note I. tance of forty miles. 

* Smith here refers to the " dif- 5 Now " Chefcake," pronounced 

couerie " of the " Pamaunke " River " Cheefecake," between Williamf- 

by himfelf and Newport, of which burg and York." — Stith, p. 54 ; 

an account will be given farther on. Camfbcll, p. 66. 
He errs in eftimating the width of 



42 Newes from Virginia. 

a clocke in the morning to fing about the fire, which 
they inuironed with a Circle of meale, and after a foote 
or two from that, at the end of each fong, layde downe 
two or three graines of wheat, continuing this order 
till they haue included lixe or feuen hundred in a halfe 
Circle, and after that two or three more Circles in like 
maner, a hand bredth from other: that done, at each 
fong, they put betwixt euerie three, two or fiue 
graines, a little fticke, fo counting as an old woman 
her Pater nolter. 

One difgulfed with a great Skinne, his head hung 
round with little Skinnes of Weafels, and other ver- 
mine, with a Crownet of feathers on his head, painted 
as vgly as the diuell, at the end of each fong will make 
many lignes and demonftrations, with llrange and ve- 
hement a6tions, great cakes of Deere fuet, Deare, and 
Tobacco he cafteth in the fire, till fixe a clocke in the 
Evening, their howling would continue ere they would 
depart. Each morning in the coldeft frofl;, the princi- 
pall to the number of twentie or thirtie, aflembled 
themfelues in a round circle, a good difl;at\ce from the 
towne, where they told me they there confulted where 
to hunt the next day : fo fat they fed mee, that I much 
doubted they intended to haue facrificed mee to the 
Quiyoughquoficke, which is a fuperiour power they 
worfliip, a more vglier thing cannot be defcribed : one 
they haue for chief facrifices, which alfo they call 
Quiyoughquofick : to cure the fick, a man with a 



Nev/es from Virginia. 43 

Rattle, and extreame howling, fhowting, finging, and 
fuch violent geftures, and Anticke actions ouer the 
patient will fucke out blood and flegme from the pa- 
tient out of their vnable ftomacke, or any difeafed 
place, as no labour will more trie them,^ Tobacco 
they offer the water in palling in fowle weather.^ The 
death of any they lament with great forrow and weep- 
ing: their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes within 
their houfes, with all his beads, iewels, hatchets, and 
copper: the other in graues like ours. They acknowl- 
edge no refurre6lion. Powhatan hath three brethren, 
and two fifters, each of his bretheren fucceeded 
other.^ 

For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not, but the 
firft heyres of the Sifters, and fo fucceffiuely the weo- 
mens heires: For the Kings haue as many weomen as 
they will, his Subje6ts two, and moft but one. 

From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the In- 
dians trifled away that day, and would not goe to our 
Forte by any perfwafions : but in certaine olde hunting 
houfes of Pafpahegh we lodged all night. The next 
morning ere Sunne rife, we fet forward for our Fort, 

1 Thefe "conjurations," defcribed or foure dajes after mj taking." — 

in the " Generall Hiftorie "(page 48) Seepage 32, iiote 2. 

in fomewhat different language, are ^ Qur author means, that, in 

there faid to have taken place at paffing over the water in foul 

" Pamavnkee," juft before Smith weather, they offer tobacco to their 

was led to " Werowocomoco." I do god, to conciliate his favor. See 

not hefitate to exprefs my preference alfo the " Generall Hiftorie," p. 36. 

for the order of the narrative in the ^ See p. 25, note 3, and p. 30, 

text, which ftates that it was " three note 6. 



44 



Newes from Virginia. 



where we arriued within an houre/ where each man 
with trueft fignes of ioy they could expreffe welcom- 
med mee, except M. Archer, and fome 2. or 3. of 
his, who was then in my abfence, fworne Counfellour, 
though not with the confent of Captaine Martin:^ great 
blame and imputation was laide vpon mee by them, 
for the loffe of our two men which the Indians flew: 
infomuch that they purpofed to depofe me,^ but in the 



1 Wingfield fays that Powhatan 
fent Smith " home to our towne the 
vii^'" of January," 1607-8. We have 
feen by the fame authority, cited on 
page 22, that he ftarted, on this 
expedition, the loth of December ; fo 
that he was abfent juft four weeks. 
The account in the appendix to the 
"Map of Virginia," page 14, fays, 
"A month thofe Barbarians kept 
him prifoner." In the enlarged and 
exaggerated account in the " Gen- 
erall Hiftorie" (page 46), it is faid, 
" Sixe or feuen weekes " they kept 
him prifoner. 

2 "During M Smythe's abfence, 
the Prefident did fwear M"" Archer 
one of the Councell, contrary to his 
oath taken in the artycles agreed 
vpon betweene themfelues . . . and 
contrary to the King's inftruccons, 
and w*out M' Martyn's confent; 
whereas there weare no more but 
the Prefident and M' Martyn then 
of the Councell." — Wingfield, in 
Archceol. Amer. vol. iv. p. 93. The 
charter of Virginia provided for a 
colonial council of thirteen ; and 
His Majefty's inftrudtions and orders 



authorized the major part of faid 
Council, upon any juft caufe, to re- 
move the Prefident or any other of 
the Council. — Stith, p. 37 ; and Af- 
J>endix, p. 3. There appears to have 
been a departure from this rule from 
the firft, not only in the appointment 
of hut Jeven councillors, but in the 
mode in which they adminiftered the 
government. 

3 Smith was one of the council. 
" M"^ Archer being fettled in his 
authority, fought how to call M"^ 
Smythe's lief in queftion, and had 
indited him vpon a chapter in Leui- 
ticus for the death of his twoe men. 
He had had his tryal the fame dale 
of his retorne, and, I believe, his 
hanging the fame or the next daie, 
fo fpeedie is our lawe there. But it 
pleafed God to fend Captn. Newport 
vnto vs the fame evening, to o'' vn- 
fpeakable comfort ; whofe arrivall 
faued M'^ Smyth's lief and mine, 
becaufe bee took me out the pyn- 
nasse, and gaue me leave to lye in 
the towne." — Wingfield, iti Archceol. 
Amer. vol. iv. pp. 94, 95. In the 
" Generall Hiftorie," p. 49, it is faid, 



Newes from Virginia. 



45 



midft of my miferies, it pleafed God to fend Captaine 
Nuport, who arriuing there the fame night, fo tripled 
our ioy, as for a while thefe plots againll me were de- 
ferred, though with much malice againfl me, which 
captain Newport in fhort time did plainly fee. Now 
was maifter Scriuener, captaine Martin, and my felfe, 
called Counfellers.^ 

Within fiue or lixe dayes after the arriuall of the 
Ship, by a mifchaunce our Fort was burned,^ and the 



" Some no better than they ftiould be, 
had plotted with the Prefident, the 
next day to haue put him [Smith] 
to death by the Leviticall law, for the 
Hues of Robinfou and Etnry, pre- 
tending the fault was his that had 
led them to their ends : but he 
quickly tooke fuch order with fuch 
Lawyers, that he layd them by the 
heeles till he fent fome of them prif- 
oners for Snglafid." This paffage 
is not in the Oxford tradl. 

Of the original councillors. Wing- 
field had been depofed, not only 
from the prefidency, but as coun- 
cillor ; Gofnold had died ; Ken- 
dall had been executed ; and, fetting 
afide Captain Newport, concerning 
whom it is doubtful how far he may 
be confidered as having retained his 
office, there now remained of the 
council, at the time of Smith's re- 
turn, but Captain John Ratcliffe, 
who fucceeded Wingfield as prefi- 
dent; Captain John Martin; Cap- 
tain Smith, whom they threatened 
to depofe ; and Captain Gabriell 
Archer, eletSled during Smith's ab- 



fence. Captain Newport appears to 
have exercifed confiderable influence 
and authority over the colonifts, 
either by virtue of office or pofition, 
or by the force of his chara(5ter. 

1 Matthew Scrivener had juft ar- 
rived with Newport ; Martin had 
been one of the council from the 
beginning ; Smith now took his 
place in that body; Archer was 
now, or foon after, depofed ; Rat- 
cliffe was ftill their prefident. 

2 Wingfield fays this fire took 
place the 7th of January. Both he 
and our author agree that Newport 
arrived the evening of the day of 
the latter's return from his captivity, 
which Wingfield fays was on the 
8th of January. If this date is right, 
and the fire took place " fiue or fixe 
dayes after the arriual of the Ship," 
it muft have been on the 13th or 
14th of January, 1607-8. In the 
account in the " Generall Hiftorie," 
this fire is faid to have broken out 
on the return of the party from the 
vifit to Powhatan, now about to be 
related, which, according to Wing- 



46 Newes from Virginia. 

moll of our apparell, lodging and priuate prouilion, 
many of our old men difeafed, and of our new for 
want of lodging perifhed. The Empereur Powhatan 
each weeke once or twice fent me many prefents of 
Deare, bread Raugroughcuns,^ halfe alwayes for my 
father,'^ whom he much defired to fee, and halfe for 
me : and fo continually importuned by mefTengers and 
prefents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and 
take the Countrie their King had giuen me, as at lall 
Captaine Newport refolued to go fee him. Such ac- 
quaintance I had amongll the Indians, and fuch confi- 
dence they had in me, as neare the Fort they would 
not come till I came to them, euery of them calling me 
by my name, would not fell any thing till I had firft 
receiued their prefents, and what they had that I liked, 
they deferred to my difcretion : but after acquaintance, 
they vfually came into the Fort at their pleafure : The 
Prefident, and the reft of the Councell, they knewe 
not, but Captaine Newports greatneife I had fo de- 
fcribed, as they conceyued him the chiefe, the reft his 
children. Officers, and feruants. We had agreed with 
y® king of Pafpahegh to condu6l two of our men to 

field, was not until the 9th of March. prouifion. Good Mafter Hunt, our 

But the account alfo ftates that it Preacher, loft all his Library and 

" happned in the winter, in that ex- all he had but the cloathes on his 

extreme froft, 1607" (that is, 1607-8). backe : yet none neuer heard him 

"The fire was fo fierce as it burnt repine at his lofTe." — Generall Hif- 

their Pallifado's (though eight or ten torte, p. 52. 

yards diftant) with their Armes, bed- 1 See page 34, note i. 

ding, apparell, and much priuate ^ Captain Newport. — See page ^^. 



Newes from Virginia. 47 

a place called Panawicke^ beyond Roonok, where he 
reported man}^ men to be apparelled.^ Wee landed 
him at Warraskoyack/ where playing the villaine, and 
deluding vs for rewards, returned within three or 
foure dayes after without going further. Captaine 
Newport, maifter Scriuener, and my felfe,* found the 
mouth of Pamauncks riuer,^ fome 25. or 30. miles 
northward from Cape Henricke, the chanell good as 
before exprelTed. 

Arriuing at Weramocomoca, being iealous of the 
intent of this politick faluage, to difcouer his intent the 
better, I with 20. fhot armed in Jacks ^ went a fhore, the 
Bay where he dwelleth hath in it 3. cricks, and a mile 
and a halfe from the chanel all oft,^ being conduced to 
the towne, I found my felfe miftaken in the creeke,^ for 
they al there were within leffe then a mile, the Empe- 
rors fonne called Naukaquawis,^ the captaine that tooke 
me,^^ and diuerfe others of his chiefe men condu6led me 
to their kings habitation, but in the mid way I was inter- 



1 Perhaps " Pananaioc." See applied to a kind of buff jerkin worn 
Smith's map of " Ould Virginia." by foldiers." — Hallixvell. 

2 See page 28, note 2. 1 Ofe? — See f age 55. 

8 See page 17, note i. 8 u Yox it appears that he had 

* "With thirtie or fortie chofen miftaken the right landing-place, 

men for their guard." — Generall having probably paffed . up a little 

Hijiorie, p. 51. beyond the mouth of Timberneck 

^ Now "York River," about fifteen Bay." — Campbell, p. 50. 

miles north from " Point Comfort." ^ Spelled in the "Generall Hif- 

'' "A coat of mail; a defenfive tofie," "Nantaquoud" and "Nan- 
upper garment quilted with ftout taquaus." 
leather. The term was more latterly ^^ Opechancanough. 



48 Newes from Virginia. 

cepted by a great creek ouer which they had made a 
bridge of grained ftakes & railes, the king of Kis- 
kieck, and Namontack, who all the iourney the king 
had fent to guide vs, had conduced vs this paffage, 
which caufed me to fufpe6t fome mifchiefe : the barge 
I had fent to meet me at the right landing, when I 
found my felfe firft dece3^ued, and knowing by experi- 
ence the moft of their courages to proceede from others 
feare, though fewe lyked the pafTage, I intermingled 
the Kings fonne, our condu6tors, and his chiefe men 
amongft ours, and led forward, leaning halfe at the 
one ende to make a guard for the paflage of the Front.-^ 
The Indians feeing the weakenefTe of the Bridge, came 
with a Canow, and tooke me in of the middeft with 
foure or fiue more, being landed wee made a guard 
for the reft till all were pafTed, two in a ranke we 
marched to the Emperors houfe. Before his houfe 
Hood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine bread, being 
entred the houfe, with leude tunes they all made fignes 

1 The account of this expedition, them the like, tyed together onely 

briefly told, is given in the " Gener- with barkes of trees, that it made 

all Hiftorie." After naming eleven them much fufpecfl thofe bridges 

of the " twentie men vsrell appointed " were but traps. Which caufed Smith 

for a guard, the account proceeds to make diverfe Salvages goe oyer 

(page 51) :" Thefe, with nine others firft, keeping fome of the chiefe 

(whofe names I haue forgotten) as hoftage till halfe his men were 

coming a-fhore, landed amongft a paffed, to make a guard for himfelfe 

many of creekes, over which they and the reft. But finding all things 

were to pafl*e fuch poore bridges, well, by two or three hundred Sal- 

onely made of a few cratches, thruft vages they were kindly condudled to 

in the ofe, and three or foure poles their towne." 
laid on them, and at the end of 



Newes from Virginia. 49 

of great ioy. This proude faluage, hauing his fineft 
women, and the principall of his chiefe men aflembled, 
fate in rankes as before is expreffed, himfelfe as vppon 
a Throne at the vpper ende of the houfe, with fuch a 
Maieftie as I cannot expreffe, nor yet haue often feene, 
either in Pagan or Chriftian, with a kinde countenance 
hee bad mee welcome, and caufed a place to bee 
made by himfelfe to fit, I prefented him a fute of red 
cloth, a white Greyhound, and a Hatte, as Jewels he 
efteemed them, and with a great Oration made by 
three of his Nobles, if there be any amongft faluages, 
kindly accepted them, with a publike confirmation of 
a perpetuall league and friendfhip. 

After that, he commaunded the Queene of Apama- 
tuc, a comely yong Saluage, to give me water,^ a 
Turkie-cocke and breade to eate: being thus feafted, 
hee began his difcourfe to this purpofe. Your kinde 
vifitation doth much content mee, but where is your 
father whom I much defire to fee, is he not with you. 
I told him he remained aboord, but the next day he 
would come vnto him, with a merrie coiitenance he 
afked me for certaine peeces I which ^ promifed him, 
when I went to Pafpahegh, I told according to my 
promife, that I proffered the man that went with me 
foure Demy Culuerings, in that he fo defired a great 

1 In the account of Smith's firft this queen was commanded to wait 
interview with Powhatan, in the on him. — See page 34, tioie 2. 
"Generall Hiftorie," it is dated that '^ Sic. "Which I," &c. 

7 



50 Newes from Virginia. 

Gunne, but they refufed to take them, whereat with a 
lowde laughter, he delired to giue him fome of a lefle 
burthen, as for the other I gaue him them, being fure 
that none could carrie them : -^ but where are thefe men 
you promifed to come with you, I told him without, 
who ther vpon gaue order to haue them brought in, 
two after two, euer maintaining the guard without. 
And as they prefented themfelues euer with thankes, 
he would falute me, and caufed each of them to haue 
foure or fiue pound of bread giuen them. This done, 
I afked him for the corne and ground he promifed me. 
He told me I fhould haue it, but he expe6ted to haue 
all thefe men lay their armes at his feet, as did his 
fubie6ts. I tolde him that was a ceremonie our ene- 
mies delired, but neuer our Friends, as we prefented 
our felues vnto him, yet that he fhould not doubt of 
our friendfhip: the next day my Father would giue 
him a child of his, in full afTurance of our loues, and 
not only that, but when he ftiould thinke it conuenient, 



1 We are told in the " Generall The next morning the favages came 

Hiftorie " (page 49), that, while to the fort, where Smith fliowed one 

Smith was a captive with Powha- of them "two demi-Culverings & a 

tan, the Emperor came to him, and millftone to carry Po-whatan : they 

told him that "prefently he fhould found them fomewhat too heavie; 

goe to lames towne, to fend him but when they did fee him dif- 

two great gunnes, and a gryndftone, charge them, being loaded with 

for which he would giue him the ftones, among the boughs of a great 

Country of Ca^akowq/tck, and for tree loaded with Ifickles, the yce 

ever efteeme him as his fonne. Nan- and branches came fo tumbling 

taquoud. So to lames towne with downe, that the poore Salvages ran 

12 guides Po-wkatan fent him." away halfe dead with feare." 



Newes from Virginia. 51 

wee would delluer vnder his fubie6lion the Country 
of Manacam^ and Pocoughtaonack ^ his enemies. 

This fo contented him, as immediatly with atten- 
tiue lilence, with a lowd oration he proclaimed me A 
werowanes of Powhatan, and that all his fubiefts 
fhould fo efteeme vs. and no man account vs ftransfers 
nor Pafpaheghans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, 
weomen and Country, fhould be to vs as to his owne 
people: this proffered kindnes for many reafons we 
contemned not, but with the bell Languages and fignes 
of thankes I could expreffe, I tooke my leaue. 

The King rifing from his feat, conduced me foorth, 
and caufed each of my men to haue as much more 
bread as hee could beare : giuing me fome in a balket, 
& as much he fent a board for a prefent to my Father: 
victuals you muft know is all there wealth, and the 
greatest kindnes they could fhew vs : arriuing at the 
Riuer, the Barge was fallen fo low with the ebbe, 
though I had giuen order and oft fent to preuent the 
same, yet the meffengers deceiued mee, the Skies 
being very thicke and rainie, the King vnderflanding 
this mifchance, fent the Sonne and Mamontacke,^ to 
condu6t mee to a great houfe fufficient to lodge mee, 
where entring I faw it hung round with bowes and 
arrowes. 

The Indians vfed all diligence to make vs fires, & 
giue vs content: the kings Orators prefently enter- 

1 Or " Monacan." - See Strachey, p. 27. ^ "Namontack." 



52 Newes from Virginia. 

tained vs with a kinde oration, with expreffe charge 
that not any fhould fteale, or take out bowes or ar- 
rowes, or offer any iniury. 

Prefently after he fent me a quarter of Venizon to 
ftay my ilomacke : in the euening hee fent for mee to 
come onely with two Ihot with me : the company I 
gaue order to ftand vpon their guard, & to maintaine 
two fentries at the ports all night. To my fupper 
he fet before me meate for twenty men, & feeing I 
could not eate, he caufed it to be giuen to my men: 
for this is a generall cuftome, that what they giue, not 
to take againe, but you mull either eate it, giue it 
away, or carry it with you: two or three houres we 
fpent in our aunent-^ difcourfes, which done, I was 
with a fire Hick lighted to my lodging. 

The next day the King conducing mee to the Riuer, 
fhewed me his Canowes, and defcribed vnto me how 
hee fent them ouer the Baye for tribute Beades : and 
alfo what Countries paide him Beads, Copper or Skins. 
But feeing Captaine Nuport, and Maifter Scriuener, 
comming a fhore, the King returned to his houfe, and 
I went to meete him, with a trumpet before him,^ wee 
marched to the King: who after his old manner kindly 
receiued him, efpecially a Boy of thirteen yeares old, 
called Thomas Saluage, whom he^ gaue him as his 

1 Avenent or avenant — agree- ^ That is, Newport. " For whom 
able. Po-whatan gave him Namontack his 

2 " With a trumpet before him truftie feruant," who was taken to 
[i.e. Newport] we marched," &c. England by Newport. For many 



Newes from Virginia. 53 

Sonne: he requited this kindnes with each of vs a 
great bafket of Beanes, and entertaining him with the 
former difcourfe, we pafTed away that day, and agreed 
to bargaine the next day, and fo returned to our Pin- 
nis : the next day comming a Ihore in Hke order, the 
King hauing kindly entertained vs with a breakfaft, 
queflioned with vs in this manner. 

Why we came armed in that fort, feeing hee was 
our friend, and had neither bowes nor arrowes, what 
did wee doubt? I told him it was the cullome of our 
Country, not doubting of his kindnes any waies, 
wherewith though hee feemed fatiffied, yet Captaine 
Nuport caufed all our men to retire to the water fide, 
which was fome thirtie fcore from thence : but to pre- 
uent the worft, Maifler Scriuener or I were either 
the one or other by the Barge, experience had well 
taught me to beleeue his friendfhip, till conuenient op- 
portunity fuffced him to betray vs, but quickly this 
polititian had perceiued my abfence, and cunningly 
fent for mee; I fent for Maifter Scriuener to fupply my 
place, the King would demaund for him, I would againe 
releeue him, and they fought to fatiffie our fufpition 
with kind Language, and not being agreed to trade 
for corne, hee defired to fee all our Hatchets and Cop- 
per together, for which he would giue vs corne, with 
that auncient tricke the Chickahamaniens had oft ac- 

years fubfequently Savage rendered an interpreter. — See "Generall Hif- 
important fervice to the colony as torie," pp. 52, 142. 



54 Newes from Virginia. 

quainted me: his offer I refufed, offering firft to fee 
what hee would giue for one piece, hee feeming to 
defpife the nature of a Merchant, did fcorne to fell, but 
we freely fhould giue him, and he liberally would re- 
quite vs. 

Captaine Nuport would not with leffe then twelue 
great Coppers try his kindnes, which he liberally re- 
quited with as much corne as at Chickahamania, I had 
for one of leffe proportion: our Hatchets hee would 
alfo haue at his owne rate, for which kindnes hee much 
feemed to affe6l Captaine Nuport, fome few bunches 
of blew Beades I had, which he much delired, and 
feeing fo few, he offred me a bafket of two pecks, and 
that which I drew to be three pecks at the leaft, and 
yet feemed contented and delired more: I agreed with» 
him the next day for two bufhells, for y® ebbe now 
conftrained vs to returne to our Boate, although he ear- 
neftly delired vs to flay dinner which was a prouiding, 
and being ready he fent aboard after vs, which was 
bread and venizon, fufficient for fiftie or lixtie per- 
fons. 

The next day hee fent his Sonne in the morning not 
to bring alhore with vs any pieces, leaft his w^eomen 
and children fhould feare. Captaine Nuports good 
beliefe would haue fatiffied that requeft, yet twentie 
or twentie fiue fhot we got a fhore: the King impor- 
tuning mee to leaue my armes a board, much mif- 
liking my fword, piftol and target, I told him the 



Newes from Virginia. 55 

men that flew my Brother ^ with the like tearmes had 
perfwaded me, and being vnarmed ihot at vs, and fo 
betraide vs. 

He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men 
might leaue their armes, which fl;ill hee commanded 
to the water lide, this day we fpent in trading for blew 
Beads, and hauing neare ffraighted our Barge.^ 

Captaine Nuport returned with them that came 
abord, leaning me and Maifl;er Scriuener a fliore, to 
follow in Canowes; into one I got with lixe of our 
men, which beeing lanched a fl;ones cafl; from the fliore 
fl;uck faft in the Ofe: Maifl;er Scriuener feeing this 
example, with feuen or eight more pafled the dreadfuU 
bridge, thinking to haue found deeper water on the 
other creeke, but they were inforced to fl;ay with fuch 
entertainment as a faluage,^ being forced a fliore with 
wind and raine, hauing in his Canow, as commonly 
they haue, his houfe and houfhold, infl:antly fet vp a 
houfe of mats which fuccoured them from the fl;orme. 

The Indians feeing me peftred in the Ofe, called to 
me, fix or feuen of the Kings chiefe men threw off 
their ikins, and to the middle in Ofe, came to bear me 
out on their heads, their importunacie caufed me bet- 
ter to like the Canow then their curtefie, excuflng my 
deniall for feare to fall into the Ofe, deflring them to 
bring me fome wood, fire, and mats to couer me, and 
I would content them: each prefently gaue his helpe 

^ See p. 35. ^ There fhould be no period here. ^ [Could offer?] 



56 Newes from Virginia. 

to latiffie my requeft, which paines a horfe would 
fcarce haue indured, yet a couple of bells richly con- 
tented them. 

The Emperors-^ fent his Seaman Mantiuas in the 
euening with bread and vi6luall for me and my men, 
he no more fcripulous then the reft feemed to take a 
pride in fhewing how litle he regarded that miferable 
cold and durty paffage, though a dogge would fcarce 
haue indured it, this kindnes I found, when I litle 
expe6led lelTe then a mifchiefe, but the blacke night 
parting our companies, ere midnight the flood ferued 
to carry vs aboard: the next day we came afliore, 
the King with a folemne difcourfe caufing all to 
depart, but his principall men, and this was the effe6t,^ 
when as hee perceiued that we had a delire to inuade 
Monacum, againll whom he was no profefled enemy, 
yet thus farre hee would affiil vs in this enterprife: 
Firft hee would fend his fpies, perfe6lly to vnderfl;and 
their ftrength and ability to fight, with which he would 
acquaint vs himfelfe. 

Captain Nuport would not be feene in it himfelfe, 
being great Werowances, they would fl;ay at home, 
but I, Maifter Scriuener, and two of his Sonnes and 
Opechankanough.^ The King of Pamaunke fliould 
haue 100. of his men to goe before as though they 



1 Sic. here. It fliould read, " Opechan- 

2 His difcourfe was to this effedl. kanough, the King of Pamaunke," 
8 " There fhould be no period &c. 



Newes from Virginia. 57 

were hunting, they giuing vs notife where was the ad- 
uantage we fliould kill them, the weomen and 3'^oung 
children he wifhed we fhould fpare, & bring them to 
him, only loo. or 150. of our men he held fufficient 
for this exploit: our boats fhould ftay at the falls, 
where we might hew timber, which we might convey 
each man a piece till we were paft the ftones, and 
there ioyne them, to pafs our men by water, if any were 
fhot, his men fhould bring them backe to our boats, 
this faire tale had almoft made Captain Nuport vn- 
dertake, by this meanes to difcouer the South sea, 
which will not be without trecherie, if wee ground 
our intent vpon his conftancie. 

This day we fpent in trading, dancing, and much 
mirth, the King of Pamaunke fent his meffenger, as yet 
not knowing Captaine Nuport, to come vnto him : who 
had long expe6led mee, deliring also my Father to 
vifite him: the meffenger ftayed to condu6l vs, but 
Powhatan vnderflanding that we had Hatchets lately 
come from Pafpahegh, defired the next day to trade 
with vs, and not to go further. 

This new tricke he cunningly put vpon him, but 
onely to haue what he lifted, and to try whether we 
would go or ftay. Opechankenoughs meffenger re- 
turned that wee would not come: the next day his 
Daughter came to entreat me, fhewing her Father 
had hurt his legge, and much forrowed he could not 

fee me. 

8 



58 Newes from Virginia. 

Captaine Nuport being not to bee perfwaded to goe 
in/ that Powhatan had defired us to Hay: fent her away 
with the like anfwer, yet the next day vpon better con- 
lideration intreatie preuailed, and wee anchored at Cin- 
quoateck, the firfl twaine aboue the parting of the riuer,^ 
where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to 
Powhatan: the one called Opitchapam, the other Kata- 
tough,^ to thefe I went a fhore, who kindly intreated 
mee and Maifter Scriuener, fending fome prefents 
aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilft we were trucking 
with thefe Kings.* 

Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children 
came to meete me with a naturall kind affedlion, hee 
feeraed to reioyce to fee me. 

Captaine Nuport came a jQiore, with many kind dif- 
courfes wee paffed that forenoone: and after dinner, 
Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Mena- 
pacant which is twenty miles by water, and not one 
by land:^ Opechankanough, conduced me and Maifter 
Scriuener by land, where hauing built a feafting houfe 
a purpofe to entertaine vs with a kind Oration, after 

1 "To goe, in that," &c. but one after "Nuport" and "Kata- 

'^ " Cinquoateck, the firft twaine" tough," in the firft and third lines 

[towne] above the jundlion of the above. 

two ftreams which empty into and ^ " Cinquoateck " or " Cinquo- 
form the " Pamaunke," (now York) teck" may have been on the "Mat- 
River, may be feen on Smith's map, tapanient " (Mattapony) River, and 
juft below " Menapucunt," where " Menapucunt " being on the 
lived " Opechancanough." " Youghtanund " (now Pamunkey) 

3 Or " Catatough." — Generall River, — very crooked at this place, 

Hiji. p. 38. — the route by water would be cir- 

* There Ihould be no period here, cuitous. — See Smith's map. 



Newes from Virginia. 59 

their manner and his beft prouilion, kindly welcomed 
vs, that day he would not trucke, but did his beft to 
delight vs with content: Captaine Nuport arriued to- 
wards euening, whom the King prefented with lixe 
great platters of fine bread, and Panfarowmana/ the 
next day till noone wee traded; the King feafted all 
the company, and the afternoone was fpent in playing, 
dauncing, and delight, by no meanes hee would haue 
vs depart till the next day, he had feafted vs with ven- 
izon, for which he had fent, hauing fpent his firft and 
fecond prouilion in expecting our comming: the next 
day he performed his promife, giuing more to vs three, 
then would haue fufficed 30. and in that we carried 
not away what we left, hee fent it after vs to the Pinnis, 
with what words or lignes of loue he could exprefle, 
we departed. 

Captain Nuport in the Pinnis, leauing mee in the 
Barge to digge a rocke, where wee fuppofed a Mine at 
Cinquaoteck, which done, ere midnight I arriued at 
Weracomoco, where our Pinnis anchored, being 20. 
miles from Cinquaotecke,^ the next day we tooke leaue 



1 "They alfo referue that corne tain the radical from which it is de- 
late planted, that will not ripe, by rived. 

roafting it in hot afhes, the heat ^ Smith has already told us that it 

thereof drying it. In winter they was twenty miles (and I think I have 

efteeme it being boyled with beanes feen it eftimated twenty-five miles) 

for a rare dilTa ; they call it Paiifar- from the confluence of the two rivers 

owtnefia." — Smith, in Getierall Hif- to " Werowocomoco." It muft have 

torie, p. 28. The laft three fyllables been fome diftance farther from 

fuggeft the word " hominy," and con- " Cinquoteck " to the latter place. 



6o Newes from Virginia. 

of Powhatan, who in regard of his kindnes gaue him 
an Indian,-* he well afre6led to goe with him for Eng- 
land in fteed of his Sonne, y® caufe I affure me was to 
know our ftrength and Countries condition: y® next 
day we arriued at Kiskiack,^ the people fo fcornefully 
entertained vs, as with what lignes of fcorne and dif- 
content we could, we departed and returned to our 
Fort with 250. bulhells of Corne, our prelident^ being 
not wholy recouered of his licknes, in difcharging, 
his Piece brake and fplit his hand off, which he is not 
yet well recouered. 

At Captaine Nuports arriuall, wee were vi6lualled 
for twelue weekes, and hauing furnilhed him of what 
hee thought good, hee fet faile for England the tenth 
of Aprill : * Mailter Scriuener and my felfe with our 
shallop, accompanied him to Captaine Hendrick.^ 

Powhatan hauing for a farrewell, fent him fiue or 

1 See page 52, note 4. The "Generall Hiftorie" gives the 

2 See page 41, note 5. moft of " their names that were land- 
^ Captain John RatclifFe. ed in this fupplj," numbering in all 
* " Captajne Newport, haueing a hundred and twenty perfons. This 

now difpatched all his bufines and lift probably includes thofe alio who 

fet the clocke in a true courfe (if fo came in the " Phoenix," Captain 

the Councell will keep it) prepared Francis Nelfon, who would have 

himfelf for England vpon the x"" of arrived in company with Captain 

Aprill, and arryued at Blackwall on Newport, but had parted with him 

Sunday, the xxj"" of Maye, 1608." — in a ftorm, and was given up for 

Wing-field, as above, pp. 97, 98. It loft. Wingfield and Archer went 

is ftated in the " Generall Hiftorie " home at this time with Captain 

that Newport's veiTel remained in the Newport. 

country, this time, fourteen weeks. ^ Smith undoubtedly wrote " Ca^e 

If he arrived the 8th of January, his Hendrick" (Henry), 

ftay was only about thirteen weeks. . ^ 



Newes from Virginia. 6i 

fixe mens loadings, with Turkeyes for fwords, which 
hee fent him^ in our return to y" fort: we difcouered 
the riuer of Naufamd,^ a proud warhke Nation, as well 
we may teftified,^ at our firll arriuall at Chefiapiack : * 
but that iniury Captaine Nuport well reuenged at his 
returne, where fome of them intiling him to their Am- 
bufcadoes by a daunce, hee perceiuing their intent, 
with a vally of mulket fhot, flew one, and fhot one or 
two more, as themfelues confefle, the King at our ar- 
iuall fent for me to come vnto him: I fent him word 
what commodities I had to exchange for wheat, and if 
he would as had the reft of his Neighbours, conclude 
a Peace, we were contented, at laft he came downe 
before the Boate which rid at anchor fome fortie 
yards from y® fhore, he lignified to me to come a 
fhore, and fent a Canow with foure or fiue of his men, 
two whereof I delired to come aboard & to ftay, & 
I would fend two to talke with their King a fhore, to 
this hee agreed: the King wee prefented with a piece 
of Copper, which he kindly excepted, and fent for 
vi6tualls to entertaine the meffengers. 

Maifter Scriuener and my felfe alfo, after that, went 

1 In exchange " for fwords, which ^ Perhaps Smith wrote tejiifie. 

he fent him." This paflage, I think, * See page 3. I have thought it 

belongs to the preceding paragraph. more probable, that the Indians 

"In our return to the fort we dif- who aflaulted the colonifts at Cape 

covered," &c. Henry were of the Chefapeake, rath- 

2 " Nansemond," a well-known er than of the Nansemond, tribe, 
river emptying into the James River, 

at the welt of Elizabeth River. 



62 Newes from Virginia. 

a fhore: the King kindly feafted vs, requefting vs to 
Itay to trade till the next day, which hauing done, we 
returned to the Fort, this riuer is a mulket fhot broad, 
each lide being Ihould bayes, a narrow channell, but 
three fadom, his courfe for eighteene miles, almoft di- 
re6tly South, and by Weft, where beginneth the firft 
inhabitants, for a mile it turneth dire6tly East, towards 
the Weft, a great bay and a white chaukie Hand, con- 
uenientfor a Fort: his next courfe South, where with- 
in a quarter of a mile, the riuer diuideth in two, the 
neck a plaine high Corne field, the wefter bought a 
high plaine likewife, the Northeaft anfwerable in all 
refpe6ls: in thefe plaines are planted aboundance of 
houfes and people, they may containe looo. Acres of 
moft excellent fertill ground, fo fweeete, fo pleafant, fo 
beautifull, and fo ftrong a profpe6l, for an inuincible 
ftrong Citty, with fo many commodities, that I know 
as yet I haue not scene: This is within one dales iour- 
ney of Chawwonocke,^ the riuer falleth into the Kings 
riuer, within twelue miles of Cape-hendicke. 

At our Fort, the tooles we had were fo ordinarily 
ftolen by the Indians, as neceffity inforced vs to cor- 
rect their brauing theeuerie : for he that ftole to day, 
durft come againe the next day. One amongft the reft, 
hauing ftolen two fwords, I got the Counfels confent 
to fet in the bilboes : the next day with three more, he 
came with their woodden fwords in the midft of our 

1 An Indian town on the " Chowan River." — See page 37, note 2. 



Newes from Virginia. 63 

men to fleale, their cuftome is to take any thing they 
can ceaze off, onely the people of Pamaunke, wee 
haue not found Healing: but what others can fteale, 
their King receiueth. 

I bad them depart, but flourifhing their fwords, they 
feemed to defend what they could catch but out of 
our hands, his pride vrged me to turne him ^ from 
amongfl vs, whereat he offred to ftrike me with his 
fword, which I preuented, striking him firft: the reft 
offring to reuenge the blow, receiued fuch an incoun- 
ter, and fled; the better to affright them, I purfued 
them with fiue or fix fhot, and fo chafed them out of 
the Hand: the beginning of this broyle, litle expe6ting 
by his carriage, we durft haue refifted, hauing euen till 
that prefent, not beene contradicted, efpecially them 
of Pafpahegh: thefe Indians within one houre, hauing 
by other Saluages, then in the Fort, vnderftood that I 
threatned to be reuenged, came prefently of them- 
felues, and fell to working vpon our wears, which 
were then in hand by other Saluages, who feeing their 
pride fo incountred, were fo fo fubmifliue, and willing 
to doe any thing as might be, and with trembling feare, 
defired to be friends within three daies after: From 
Nawfamond^ which is 30. miles from vs, the King 
fent vs a Hatchet, which they had ftollen from vs at 
our being there : the meffenger as is the cuftome, alfo 
wee well rewarded and contented. 

1 Probably the one who had been ^ "Nanfemond." — See page 6i, 

" fet in the bilboes." note 2. 



64 Newes from Virginia. 

The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing 
down Trees, and fetting Corne/ an alarum caufed vs 
with all fpeede to take our armes, each expecting a 
new affault of the Saluages: but vnderftanding it a 
Boate vnder faile, our doubts were prefently fatiffied, 
with the happy fight of Mailter Nelfon, his many per- 
rills of extreame ftormes and tempefts. His fhip well, 
as his company could teftifie his care in fparing our 
prouifion, was well: but the prouidence thereof, as 
alfo of our Hones, Hatchets, and other tooles, onely 
ours excepted, which of all the reft was moft necef- 
fary, which might inforce vs, to think ^ either a fedi- 
tious traitor to our aftion, or a moft vnconfcionable 
deceiuer of our treafures. This happy arriuall of 
Mailler Nelfon in the Phenix, hauing beene then about 
three monethes miffing, after Captaine Nuports arri- 
uall, being to all our expe6tations loft: albeit, that 
now at the laft, hauing beene long croffed with tem- 
peltuous weather, and contrary winds, his fo vnex- 
pe6ted comming, did fo rauilh vs with exceeding ioy, 
that now we thought our felues as well fitted, as our 

1 "The fpring approaching, and arrived with his loft P/i^wZ/v ; loft (I 

the Ship departing, M'' Scrivener fay) for that we all deemed him 

and Captain Smith devided betwixt loft." — Generall Hijiorie, p. 53. 

them the rebuilding lames towne ; ^ Pofliblj fome perfon's name is 

the repairing our Pallizadoes ; the here omitted. The whole fentence 

cutting downe trees ; preparing our is obfcure, and I make no fuggeftion 

fields ; planting our corne, and to refpe6ting its puncfluation ; the er- 

rebuild our Church, and recover our rors in which, in fome places, are 

Store houfe. All men thus bufie at obvious, 
their feverall labours, Mafter Nelfon 



Newes from Virginia. 65 

harts could wifh, both with a competent number of 
men, as alfo for all other needfull prouilions, till a fur- 
ther fupply fliould come vnto vs: whereupon the firfl 
thing that was concluded, was, that my felfe, and Maif- 
ter Scriuener fhould with 70. men goe with the beft 
meanes we could prouide, to difcouer beyond the Falls, 
as in our iudgements conueniently we might: fixe 
or feuen daies we fpent only in trayning, our men to 
march, fight, and fcirmifh in the woods, their willing 
minds to this a6lion, fo quickned their vnderftanding 
in this exercife, as in all iudgements wee were better 
able to fight with Powhatans whole force: in our 
order of battle amongft the Trees, (for Thicks ^ there is 
few) then ^ the Fort was to repulfe 400. at the firft af- 
fault, with fome tenne or twenty fhot, not knowing 
what to doe, nor how to vfe a Piece: our warrant 
being fealed, Maifler Nelfon refufed to afTifte vs with 
the voluntar}' Marriners, and himfelfe as he promifed, 
vnlefTe we would ftand bound to pay the hire for fhippe, 
and Marriners, for the time they flayed : and further 
there was fome controuerfie, through the diuerfity of 
Contrary opinions, fome alleadging, that how profit- 
able, and to what good purpofe foeuer our iourney 
fhould portend, yet our commiflion, commanding no 
certaine defigne, we fhould be taxed for the moft in- 

^ Thickets. "force," a period after "woods," 

- Ufed, as was at that period cuf- and no point after " tramming," in 

tomary, in the fenfe of "than." the fecond, fifth, and fixth lines 

There Ihould be a comma only after above. 

9 



66 Newes from Virginia. 

difcreete men in the world, befides the wrong we 
fhould doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all dif- 
coueries did belong, and to no other: the meanes for 
guides, belide the vncertaine courfes of the riuer, 
from which we could not erre much, each night would 
fortifie vs in two houres, better then that they firfl 
called the Fort, their Townes vpon the riuer, each 
within one dayes iourney of other, beiides our ordinary 
prouilion, might well be fuppofed to adde reliefe : for 
truck & dealing only, but in loue & peace, as w* 
the reft; if they affalted vs, their Townes they cannot 
defend, nor their luggage fo conuey, that we ftiould 
not fhare, but admit the worft, i6. dales prouifion we 
had of Cheefe, Oatmeale, and bilket befides our ran- 
deuous, we could and might haue hid in the ground.-^ 
With fixe men, Captaine Martin, would haue vnder- 
taken it himfelfe, leaning the reft to defend the Fort, 



1 The pundluation thus far upon of [the] other, beiides our ordinary 

this page is evidently very incor- provifion, might well be fuppofed to 

i-e6l ; but, as the meaning of the add relief for truck and dealing ; but 

writer in fome places is not always only in love and peace. As with the 

clear, it is difficult to fay how it reft [the hoftile Indians], if they af- 

fliould be altered. I fuggeft the fol- faulted us, their towns they cannot 

lowing reading: ["We lacked] the defend, nor their luggage fo convey, 

means for guides, befide the uncer- that we Ihould not Ihare [their ftores]. 

tain courfes of the river, from which But, admit the worft, lixteen days' 

[however] we could not err much. provifion we had of cheefe, oatmeal, 

Each night would [i. e. we could] and bifcuit [which], we could and 

fortify us in two hours, better than might [for better fecurity] have hid 

that they firft called 'the Fort' [at in the ground, befides [i.e., near] 

Jameftown]. Their towns upon the our rendezvous." 
river, each within one day's journey 



Newes from Virginia. 67 

and plant our Corne : yet no reafon could be reafon, 
to proceede forward, though we were going aboard to 
fet faile: Thefe difcontents caufed fo many doubts 
to fome, and difcouragement to others, as our iourney 
ended : yet fome of vs procured petitions to fet vs for- 
ward, only with hope of our owne confufions, our next 
courfe was to turne hufbandmen, to fell Trees and fet 
Corne. Fiftie of our men, we imployed in this fervice, 
the reft kept the Fort, to doe the command of the 
prefident, and Captaine Martin, 30. dayes the fliip lay 
expe6ling y" triall of certain matters, which for fome 
caufe I keep priuate:^ y' next exploit was an Indian 
hauing ftolen an Axe, was fo purfued by Maifter Scri- 
uener, & them next him, as he threw it downe, and 
flying, drew his bow at any that durft incounter him: 
within foure or fine dayes after, Maifter Scriuener and 
I, being a litle from the Fort, among the Corne, two 
Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted 
with Terrafigillata, came circling about mee, as though 
they would haue clubed me like a hare : I knew their 
faining loue is towards me, not without a deadly 
hatred, but to preuent the worft, I calling maifter 
Scriuener, retired to the Fort: the Indians feeing me 



1 This has undoubted reference age home, " with phantafticall gold," 

to the trial for gold which occupied which Smith oppofed, preferring to 

the minds of fome of the colonifts; fend home cedar, rather than " durt, 

including Captain Martin, who was or the hopes and reports of an vn- 

for reloading this fhip, as New- certain difcovery."— Geiierall HIJ- 

port's Ihip had been on her lafl: voy- forle, p. 53. 



68 Newes from Virginia. 

Iufpe6l them, with good tearmes, afked me for fome of 
their men, whom they would beate, and went with me 
into our Fort, finding one that lay ordinarily with vs, 
only for a fpie: they offered to beat him, I in per- 
fwading them to forbeare, they offered to beginne with 
me, being now foure ^ for two other arrayed in like 
manner, came in on the other fide the Fort: where- 
vpon I caufed to fliut the Ports, and apprehend them. 
The prefident and Counfell, being prefently acquaint- 
ed, remembring at the firft aflault, they came in like 
manner, and neuer elfe but againft fome villanie, con- 
cluded to commit them to prifon, and , expert the 
euent, eight more we ceezed at that prefent, an houre 
after came three or foure other ftrangers, extraordina- 
rily fitted with arrowes, fkinnes, and fhooting gloues, 
their iealoufie and feare, bewrayed their bad intent, as 
alfo their fufpitious departure. 

The next day came firft an Indian, then another as 
Embalfadors for their men, they defired to fpeake with 
me, our difcourfe was, that what Spades, Shouells, 
fwords, or tooles they had ftolne, to bring home, (if not 
the next day, they fhould hang) the next newes was, 
they had taken two of our men, ranging in the woods, 
which mifchiefe no punifhment will preuent but hang- 
ing, and thefe they would fhould redeem their owne 
1 6. or 1 8. thus brauing vs to our doores, we defired 

1 The fenfe requires a comma here; and a comma after "fpie" and a 
period after " him," in the fecond line above. 



Newes from Virginia. 69 

the prefident, and Captaine Martin, that afternoone to 
fally vpon them, that they might but know, what we 
durft to doe, and at night mand our Barge, and burnt 
their Townes, and fpoiled, and deftroyed, what we 
could, but they brought our men, and freely deliuered 
them: the prefident releafed one, the reft we brought 
well guarded, to Morning and Evening prayers. Our 
men all in armes, their trembling feare, then caufed 
them to much forrow, which till then fcoffed, and 
fcorned at what we durft doe, the Counfell concluded, 
that I ftiould terrific them with fome torture,^ to know 
if I could know their intent, the next day I bound one 
in hold to the maine Maft, and prefenting fixe Mufl^ets 
with match in the cockes, forced him to defire life, to 
anfwere my demaunds he could not, but one of his 
Comouodos was of the Counfell of Pafpahegh, that 
could fatiffie me: I releafing him out of fight, I af- 
frighted the other, first with the rack, then with Muf- 
kets, which feeing, he defired me to ftay, and hee would 
confefle ^ to this execution Maifter Scriuener came, his 
difcourfe was to this efte6t, that Pafpehegh, the Chick- 
ahamaniar, Youghtanum, Pamaunka, Mattapanient, 
and Kifliiack.^ Thefe nations were altogether a hunt- 

1 That is, thofe who (p. 68) had tribes named were together a hunt- 
been committed to prilbn. ing when Smith was taken prifoner 
- There fhould be a period here. in December of laft year; that, fub- 
3 There Ihould be no period here, fequentlj, the " Palpaheghs " and 
and " thefe nations " Ihould be in a " Chickahomines " had a plot to 
parenthefis. I interpret this paffage furprife thofe who might be at work, 
thus: that Indians from the feveral and feize tlieir tools; that "Powha- 



yo Newes from Virginia. 

ing that took me, Pafpahegh, & Chicahamanya, had 
entended to furprife vs at worke, to haue had our 
tools: ■Powhatan, & al his would feeme friends, till 
Captaine Nuports returne, that he had againe his man, 
which he called Namontack, where with a great feaft 
hee would enamor Captain Nuport & his men, as 
they fhould ceaze on him, and the like traps would be 
laied for the reft. 

This trap for our tooles, we,fufpe6led ^ the chiefe oc- 
cafion was foure dales before Powhatan had fent the 
boy ^ he had to vs, with many Turkies to Maifter Scriu- 
ener, and mee, vnderftanding I would go vp into his 
Countries to deftroy them, and he doubted ^ it the more, 
in that I fo oft praftifed my men, whofe fhooting he 
heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wiues, 
and children; we fent him word, we entended no fuch 
thing, but only to goe to Powhatan, to feeke ftones to 
make Hatchets, except his men Ihoot at vs, as Pafpa- 
hegh had told vs that they would, which if they did 
fhoot, but one arrowe, we would deftroy them, and 
leaft this mifchiefe might happen, fent the boy to ac- 
quaint him thus much, and requeft him to fend vs 
Weanock, one of his fubie6ls for a guide, y^ boy 

tan and al his would feeme friends ^ "This trap for our tools we fuf- 

till Captane Newports returne " pefted. The chief occafion was, 

(with "Namontack," whom he took foure dales before," &c. 

with him to England on his laft ^ Thomas Savage, the boj given 

voyage home), when thej would by Newport to Powhatan. He had 

make a feaft for him and his men, arrived with the firft " fupply." 

and then entrap him and the reft. ^ Ufed here in the fenfe of "feared." 



Newes from Virginia. 71 

he returned backe with his Cheft, & apparrell, which 
then we had giuen him, defiring another for him, y® 
caufe was, he was praftiling with the Chickaha- 
manias, as the boy fufpe6ted some villainie, by their 
extraordinary refort, & fecret conference from whence 
they would fend him. The boy we keepe, now we 
would fend him many meffengers, & prefents, the 
guide we delired he fent vs, & withall requefted vs 
to returne him, either the bo}^, or fome other, but 
none he could haue, & that day thefe Indians were 
apprehended, his fonne with others y* had loaded ^ 
at our Fort, returned, & being out of the Fort, rayled 
on me, to diuers of our men, to be enemies to him, 
& to y^ Chikamanias, not long after Weanock, y' 
had bin with vs for our guide, whom wee kept to 
haue conduced vs in another iourny, w* a falfe 
excufe returned, and fecretly after him, Amocis the 
Pafpaheyan, who alwaies they kept amongft vs for a 
fpie, whom the better to auoide fufpition, prefently 
after they came to beare away: thefe prefumptions 
induced me to take any occafion, not onely to try the 
honefty of Amocis, the fpie, but alfo the meaning of 
these cunning trickes of their Emperour of Powhatan; 
whofe true meaning Captaine Martin moft confidently 
pleaded. 

The confeflion of Macanoe, which was the coun- 
fellor of Pafpahegh: firft I, then Maifter Scriuener, 

1 " Lodged "(?) 



72 



Newes from Virginia. 



vpon their feverall examinations, found by them all 
confirmed, that Pafpahegh, and Chickahammania did 
hate vs, and intended some mifchiefe, and who they 
were that tooke me, the names of them that ftole our 
tooles, and fwords, and that Powhatan receiued them, 
they all agreed: certaine voUies of fhot we caufed to 
be difcharged, which caufed each other to thinke that 
their fellowes had beene flaine. 

Powhatan vnderftanding we detained certaine Salu- 
ages, sent his Daughter,^ a child of tenne 3'^eares old, 



1 This is the firft reference in this 
tra6l to Pocahontas, who fubfequent- 
Ij became fo- famous in Virginia 
ftorj ; and it is the earlieft notice of 
her which I have met with any- 
where. If her age here is corredlly 
given, fhe was but fixteen years old 
when fhe was married to Rolfe, in 
April, 1614. In the fecond part of 
the " Map of Virginia," 1612 (p. 103), 
it is faid that fhe was, at the period 
there referred to (fay 1609), " at 
moft not paft 13 or 14 yeares of age." 
If the age given on her pi<5lure in 
the " Generall Hiftorie" is correcJt, 
viz., "^tatis fuae 21. A° 1616," ftie 
muft have been thirteen years of 
age at the time Smith is here writ- 
ing (1608), and nineteen at the time 
of her marriage. The following paf- 
fage from Strachey, the fecretary of 
the colony, who arrived at Jameftown 
in May, 1610, and refided there lefs 
than two years, may find an appro- 
priate place here. After faying that 
" their younger women goe not lliad- 



owed amongft their owne companie 
untill they be nigh eleaven or twelve 
returnes of the leafe old," he pro- 
ceeds : "Nor are they much afhamed 
thereof, and therefore would the be- 
fore remembred Pochahuntas, a well 
featured, but wanton yong girle, 
Powhatan's daughter, fometymes re- 
forting to our fort, of the age then 
of eleven or twelve yeares, get the 
boyes forth with her into the markett 
place, and make them wheele, fall- 
ing on their hands, turning up their 
heeles upwards, whome Ihe would 
foUowe and wheele fo her felf, naked 
as Ihe was, all the fort over; but be- 
ing once twelve yeares, they put on a 
kind of femecin6tum lethern apron 
(as doe our artificers or handycrafts 
men) before their bellies, and are 
very fhamefac't to be feene bare," 
&c. — Hiftorie of Travaile, &c., p. 
65. This, again, would more nearly 
indicate the age named in the text, 
if Strachey is here fpeaking of his 
own time in the colony. 



Newes from Virginia. 73 

which not only for feature, countenance, & propor- 
tion, much exceedeth any of the reft of his people, 
but for wit, and fpirit, the only Nonpareil of his Coun- 
try: this hee fent by his moft truftie meflenger, called 
Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of perfon, 
but of a fubtill wit, and crafty vnderftanding, he with 
a long circumftance, told mee, how well Powhatan, 
loued and refpe6led mee, and in that I fhould not 
doubt any way of his kindneffe, he had fent his child, 
which he moft efteemed, to fee me, a Deere, and 
bread, befides for a prefent: defiring me that the Boy 
might come againe, which he loued exceedingly, his 
little Daughter hee had taught this leflbn alfo: not 
taking notice at all of the Indeans that had beene pri- 
foners three dales, till that morning that ftie faw their 
fathers and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes 
to entreate their libertie. 

Opechancanough, sent alfo vnto vs, that for his fake, 
we would releafe two that were his friends, and for a 
token fent me his ftiooting Gloue, and Bracer,^ which 
the day our men was taken vpon,^ feparating himfelfe 
from the reft a long time, intreated to fpeake with ine, 
where in token of peace, he had preferred ine the 
fame : now all of them hauing found their peremptorie 
conditions, but to increafe our malice, which they fee- 
ing vs begin to threaten to deftroy them, as famil- 

1 Armor for the arm. the day our men was taken, was vpon 

2 Perhaps he means to fay, "which, them." 

10 



74 



Newes from Virginia. 



iarly as before, without fufpition, or feare, came amongft 
vs, to begge libertie for their men: In the afternoone 
they being gone, we guarded them as before to the 
Church, and after prayer, gaue them to Pocahuntas, 
the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers kind- 
neffe in fending her : after hauing well fed them, as all 
the time of their imprifonment, we gaue them their 
bowes, arrowes, or what elfe they had, and with much 
content, fent them packing:^ Pocahuntas, alfo we re- 



1 The following condenfed account 
of the events detailed on the laft fix 
pages, and including thofe on pages 
62 and 63, is from the " Generall Hif- 
torie," page 54 : "Potvkatati (to ex- 
prefs his loue to Newport) when he 
departed, prefented him with twentie 
Turkies, conditionally to returne him 
twentie fwords, which immediately 
was fent him ; now after his depart- 
ure he prefented Captaine Smith with 
the like luggage, but not finding his 
humor obeyed in not fending fuch 
weapons as he defired, he caufed 
his people with twentie devices to 
obtaine them. At lafl: by ambuf- 
cadoes at our very Ports they would 
take them perforce, furprife vs at 
worke, or any way; which was fo 
long permitted, they became fo info- 
lent there was no rule ; the command 
from England was fo ftrait not to 
offend them, as our authoritie-bear- 
ers (keeping their houfes) would 
rather be any thing than peace- 
breakers : this charitable humor 
prevailed, till well it chanced they 
medled with Captaine Smith, who 



without farther deliberation gaue 
them fuch an incounter, as fome he 
fo hunted vp and downe the Me, 
fome he fo terrified with whipping, 
beating, and imprifonment, as for 
revenge they furprifed two of our 
forraging diforderly fouldiers, and 
having aflembled their forces, boldly 
threatened at our Ports to force 
Smith to redeliver feven Salvages, 
which for their villanies he detained 
prifoners, or we were all but dead 
men. But to try their furies he fal- 
lied out amongft them, and in lefle 
than an houre, he fo hampred their 
infolencies, they brought them his 
two men, defiring peace without any 
further compofition for their prifon- 
ers. Thofe he examined, and caufed 
them all beleeue, by feverall vollies 
of ftiot one of their companions was 
ftiot to death, becaufe they would 
not confelTe their intents and plotters 
of thofe villanies. And thus they all 
agreed in one point, they were di- 
redled onely by Poivhatan to obtaine 
him our weapons, to cut our owne 
throats, with the manner where. 



Newes from Virginia. 75 

quited, with fuch trifles as contented her, to tel that 
we had vfed y® Pafpaheyans very kindly in fo releaflng 
them. The next day we had fufpition of fome other 
pra6life for an Ambufcado, but perfe6lly wee could 
not difcouer it, two daies after a Pafpaheyan, came to 
Ihew vs a glifl:ering Minerall ftone : and with fignes 
demonftrating it to be in great aboundance, like vnto 
Rockes,^ with fome dozen more, I was fent to feeke to 
digge fome quantitie, and the Indean to condu6l me: 
but fufpe6ting this fome tricke to delude vs, for to get 
fome Copper of vs, or with fome Ambufcado to betray 
vs, feeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on 
our way, led him afhore, where abuling vs from place 
to place, and fo feeking either to haue drawn vs with 
him into the woods, or to haue giuen vs the flippe:^ I 
fhewed him Copper, which I promifed to haue giuen 
him, if he had performed his promife, but for his fcof- 

how, and when, which we plainly moue to warre with the Salvages, 

found mofl: true and apparant: yet he would gladly haue wrangled with 

fent his meflengers, and his deareft Captaine Smith for his crueltie, yet 

daughter Pocahontas with prefents none was flaine to any mans knowl- 

to excufe him of the iniuries done edge, but it brought them in fuch 

by fome raih vntoward Captaines his feare and obedience, as his very 

fubiecfts, defiring their liberties for name would fufficiently affright 

this time, with the affurance of his them ; where before, wee had fome- 

loue for ever. After Smith had time peace and warre twice in a day, 

given the prifoners what corredlion and very feldom a weeke, but we 

he thought fit, vfed them well a day had fome trecherous villany or 

or two after, «& then delivered them other." 

Pocahontas, for whofe fake onely ^ " Like unto Rockes. With fome 

he fayned to haue faued their Hues, dozen more I was fent," &c. 

and gaue them libertie. The pa- ^ There Ihould be only a comma 

tient Councell that nothing would here. 



76 Newes from Virginia. 

fing and abuling vs, I gaue him twentie lalhes with a 
Rope, and his bowes and arrowes, bidding him Ihoote 
if he durft,and fo let him goe. 

In all this time, our men being all or the moft part 
well recouered, and we not willing to trifle away more 
time then neceffitie enforced vs vnto, we thought good 
for the better content of the aduenturers, in fome rea- 
fonable fort to fraight home Maifter Nelfon with Cedar 
wood,^ about which, our men going with willing minds, 
was in very good time eflEe6ted, and the fhip fent for 
England;^ wee now remaining being in good health, 
all our men wel cotented, free from mutinies, in loue 
one with another, & as we hope in a continuall peace 
with the Indians,^ where we doubt not but by Gods 

^ See page 67, note. country, Smith compofed his map 
2 " The fecond of June 1608, of Virginia, which he fent home bj 
Smith left tlie Fort to performe his Newport before the clofe of the year ; 
Difcovery," with a company of four- and it was firft publilhed in the Ox- 
teen perfons. "In an open Barge ford tradl before referred to, in 1612. 
neare three tuns burthen, leaving Ge«er«// ^j/^tir/e, pp. 59, 65, 71, 72. 
the PJiKtiix at C^pe Henry, they ^ This hope, however, proved de- 
croffed the Bay to the Eaftern fhore," lufive. The Indians continued to 
&c. — Generall Hijiorie, p. 55. This be a fource of annoyance and vexa- 
was Smith's firft voyage of explora- tion. Perhaps they had fome prov- 
tion of Chefapeake Bay, and of the ocation. After a time, the colonifls 
rivers running| into it. The party gained more confidence in their 
returned on the 21ft of July. He fafety, and fcattered fettlements 
ftarted again on the 24th of that fprang up on the bay, and the rivers 
month " to finifti the difcovery," running into it, in many inftances 
with a party of twelve, and was ab- remote from each other. The 
fent over feven weeks, returning on haughty " Opechancanough " had 
the 7th of September. From the ever been intent on the deftrudlion 
refults of thefe difcoveries, combined of the Englifh ; and, by a courfe of 
with his previous knowledge of the craft and policy, he had " lulled the 



Newes from Virginia. 



11 



gracious affiftance, and the aduenturers willing minds, 
and fpeedie furtherance to fo honorable an a6lion in 
after times, to fee our Nation to enjoy a Country, not 
onely exceeding pleafant for habitation, but alfo very 
profitable for comerce in generall, no doubt pleafing 
to almightie God, honourable to our gracious Souer- 
aigne, and commodious generally to the whole King- 
dome.^ 



colonifts into a fatal fecuritj." On 
the 22d of March, 1621-2, his plans 
having been matured, a general 
rifing of the Indians took place, 
and three hundred and forty-feven 
persons, — one-twelfth of all the 
colonifts, — including fix members 
of the council, were cut off. — Siitk, 
pp. 209, 210. 

^ The narrative, here brought to 
a clofe, embraces the hiftory of the 
colony from the arrival at the Chef- 
apeake, on the 21ft of April, 1607, to 
the 2d of June, 1608, a period of a 
little over thirteen months. As it 
was printed in London in i6o8, it is 
quite probable that it was fent home 
at this time by Captain Nelfon. Cap- 



tain Smith continued to ferve the 
colony to the beft of his ability. In 
July of this year, Ratcliffe was de- 
pofed, and Smith was chofen in his 
place ; but, as he was defirous to fin- 
ilb the difcovery of Chefapeake Bay, 
which he had begun, " he fubftituted 
Mr Scrivetier, his deare friend, in the 
Prefidency," and imbarked on his 
voyage. — Generall Hijlorie, p. 59. 
On the loth of September of this year, 
he was by the Council eledted their 
Prefident, and "receiued the Letters 
Patents." This office he held until 
he left the colony in the autumn 
(" about Michaelmafs ") of 1609, 
never to return to it again. — Ibid., 
pp. 66, 164. 



FINIS. 




INDEX. 



The Arabic figures denote the page of the "True Relation." The Roman 
numerals refer to pages of the Preface. 



Abbay, Thomas, xxii. xxiii. xxv. 
Abbot, Jeffrey, xxi. xliv. 
Adling, Henry, xlii. 
Alberton, Robert, xlv. 
Alicock, Jeremy, xlii. 
Anchanachuck, Atquanachucke, an 

Indian tribe, 36. 
Anone, an Indian territory, 37. 
Apahaocke, an Indian town, 20. 
Apokant, an Indian town, 23. 
Apalatsi mountains, 5. 
Appamatuck, an Indian tribe, 32, 

33- 

Appomatox, queen of, 8, 34, 49. 

Archer, Capt. Gabriel, xlii. ; wound- 
ed in an assault by Indians, 3; 
sails up James River, 5 ; propo- 
sal to send him to England, 17; 
sworn as councillor, 44; returns 
to England, 60. 

Archer's Hope, a point of land be- 
low Jamestown, 5. 

Arsatecke, Arrohateck, an Indian 
town, 6, 8, 33 ; the king of, 9. 



Asbie, John, xliii. 

Ascacap, an Indian town, 21. 

Attamuspincke, an Indian town, 21. 



Bancroft, George, procures in 
England many manuscripts, yet 
unpublished, relating to the early 
history of Virginia, xxxii. 

Barnes, Robert, xliv. 

Bayley, William, xliv. 

Beast, Benjamin, xlii. 

Beckwith, William, xlv. 

Behethland, Robert, xlii. 

Belfield, Richard, xlv. 

Bentley, William, xliv. 

Blackwall, Eng., Smith and his com- 
panions sail from, xl., i. 

Bouth, John, xliv. 

Brinto, Edwai-d, xliii. 

Bristow, Richard, xliv. 

Brookes, Edward, xlii. 

Brooks, John, xlii.; sails up James 
I^er, 5. 

[81] 



\ 



82 



Index. 



Browne, Edward, xlii. 
Browne, Oliver, 5. 
Brumfield, James, xliii. 
Bruster, William, xlii. 
Burket, Richard, xlv. 
Burre, James, xlv. 



Callamata, a lady in Tartary, 
40. 

Campbell, his " History of Virgin- 
ia" quoted, 32. 

Cantrell, William, xliv. 

Capa Howasicke, Capahowosicke, 

38. 

Capper, John, xliii. 

Cassen, George, xlii. ; slain by In- 
dians, 24, 25. 

Cassen, Thomas, xlii. 

Cassen, William, xlii. 

Causy, Nathaniel, xliv. 

Charles, Cape, named, 4. 

Charter, from Kiflg James in 1606, 
to the London Company, xxxvi. ; 
to the Plymouth Company, ib. 

Chawworiock, Chawanock, Chowan 
River, 87, 62. 

Chesapeake Bay, Chesiapiacke, 2, 

76, 77- 

Chescake, or Kiskirk, 41. 

Chikhamania, Chickahominy, vis- 
ited by Smith, 19, 21, 54, 69, 72. 

Clarke, Charles, 5. 

Clovell, Eustace, xlii. ; mortally 
wounded by the Indians, 10. 

Coe, Thomas, xliv. 

Collier, Samuel, xliii. 

Collson, John, 5. 

Colonists, names of, xlii. -xlv. 

Colony, the, number composing it, 
11; famine and sickness in, 12, 
13 ; their religious services, 15 ; 



their fort consumed by fire, 45 ; 
receives an accession of numbers, 
60 ; fort rebuilt, 64. 
Comfort, Point, origin of the name, 

4- 
Conjurations of the Indians, 43. 
Cooke, Roger, xlii. 
Cotton, Robert, xlv. 
Councillors of the colony, 45. 
Cowpei", Thomas, xliii. 
Cox's Ferry, 7. 
Crofts, Richard, xlii, 
Crookdeck, John, 5. 
Cutler, Robert, xliv. 
Cuttata-women, an Indian country, 

32- 



Dawson, William, xlv. 
Deale, Jeremy, 5. 
Diascund Creek, 22. 
Dixon, Richard, xlii. 
Dods, John, xlii. 
Dole, Richard, xlv. 
Dutch Gap, 7. 



Edward, Old, xlii. 
Emry, Thomas, xlii., 24. 



Famine in the Colony, 12, 13. 

Farrar's Island, 7. 

Fenton, Robert, xlii. 

Fetherstone, Richard, xliv. 

Field, Thomas, xlv. 

Flower, George, xlii. 

Ford, Robert, xlii. 

Forest, George, xliv. 

Frith, Richard, xlii. 

Fytch, Matthew, 5. 



Index. 



83 



Garrett, William, xliii. 

Gates, Sir Thomas, xxxvi. 

Genowaj, Richard, 5. 

Ginnat, Post, xlv. 

Godword, Thomas, 5. 

Goodison, Raymond, xliv. 

Gore, Thomas, xlii. 

Gosnold, Anthony, xlii. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, commands 
one of the vessels employed in 
conveying the colonists to Vir- 
ginia, xl. xlii.; one of the coun- 
cil, 3 ; disagrees with Wingfield, 
11; sickness and death of, 13. 

Gosnoll, Anthony, xlii. 

Goughland, 40. 

Goulding, George, xlii. 

Gradon, Richard, xlv. 

Grivell, William, xliv. 

Gurgana, Edward, xliv. 



Hakluit, Richard, a patentee in 
the charter of 1606, xxxvi. 

Halthrop, Stephen, xlii. 

Hampton, visited by some of the 
colonists, 4; by Smith, 16. 

Harford, John, xlv. 

Harper, John, xliv. 

Harrington, Edward, xlii. 

Henry, Cape, named, xli., 4. 

Herd, John, xliii. 

Hill, George, xliv. 

Hominy, whence the word, 59. 

Hope, Thomas, xxii. xlv. 

Houlgrave, Nicholas, xlii. 

Houses of the colonists, 15. 

Hunt, Robert, first minister of the 
colony, is sick on the voyage, 
xl. xlii. ; dies, 15 ; loss of his 
library, 46. 



Indians, attack from, at Cape Hen- 
•"Jj 3i kind treatment from, 6; 
attack Jamestown, 9, 10; bring 
provisions to the colonists, 14, 
20; take Smith prisoner, 26; their 
religious ceremonies, 41 ; their fu- 
nerals, 43 ; steal tools, 62, 67, 68; 
seize two of the colonists, 68 ; re- 
store them, 69; Indian plot, 70; 
insolence, 74; massacre, 77. 



Jackson, Robert, 5. 

Jacob, Thomas, xlii. 

James, King, charters from him 

for the colonization of America, 

xxxvi. 
James Riverdiscovered and explored, 

5 ; named King's River, 8. 
Jamestown settled, 4; fortified, 10; 

fort burned, 45 ; rebuilt, 64. 
Johnson, William, a laborer, xlii. 
Johnson, William, a goldsmith, xlv. 



Katatough, or Kekataugh, bro- 
ther to Powhatan, 30, 58. 

KefFer, Peter, xlv. 

Kendall, George, one of the council, 
xlii., 3; deposed, 12; put to 
death for mutiny, 21. 

Killingbeck, Richard, xliv. 

Kingston, Ellis, xlii. 

Kiskirk, Kiskiack, 41, 48, 60. 



Layden, John, xlii. 
Laxon, William, xlii. 
Leeds, Timothy, xliv. 
Lenox, James, xiv. xvi. xlvii. ; his 
copies of "True Relation." 



84 



Index. 



Lewes, John, xlv. 
Love, William, xliii. 

Mamanahunt, an Indian town, 20. 
j4 Manahocks, Mannahoacks, an In- 
dian tribe, 32. 

Mangoge, Mangoags, 37. 

Manosquosick, Menoscosic, an In- 
dian locality, 19. 

Mansa, an Indian town, 20. 

" Map of Virginia," a small volume 
so entitled, bj Smith and his com- 
panions, xxi. seq. ; included in the 
" Generall Historie," xxv. ; re- 
published by Purchas, xxvi. ; use 
of it by Strachey, xxxiv. 

Markham, Robert, 5. 

Martin, George, xliii. 

Martin, John, xlii. bis; one of the 
council, 3; sickness of, 12, 17; 
trades with the Indians, 18 ; re- 
fuses consent to Archer's elec- 
tion, 44. 

Marraughtacum, an Indian town, 32. 

Massacre by the Indians, 77. 

Mattalunt, an Indian town, 21. 

Mattapament, Mattapanient, an In- 
dian town, 21. 

Mattapanient, or Mattapony River, a 
branch of York River, 29, 30, 41. 

May, William, xlv. 

Meade, Bishop, his visit to " Powha- 
tan's Chimney," 32. 

Menapacute, Menapucunt, an In- 
dian town, 30, 58. 

Michaell, xlv. 

Midwinter, Francis, xlii. 

Milmer, Richard, xlv. 

Monocan, Monacans, an Indian 
tribe, 35, 51. 

Morinogh, an Indian town, 21. 

Morish, Edward, xlii. 



Mortality in the colony, 12, 13. 
Morton, Matthew, shot by Indians, 

3- 

Morton, Ralph, xliv. 

Mounslic, Thomas, xliii. 

Mouton, Richard, xliii, 

Mouton, Thomas, xlii. 

Moyaoncer, Moyaons, an Indian 

tribe, 36. 
Moysenock, an Indian town, 21. 
Moysonicke, a peninsula, 22. 
MuUinax, Richard, xliv. 



Names of the Colonists, xlii.- 
xlv. 

Naukaquawis, Nantaquoud, son of 
Powhatan, 47. 

Nausamd, Nansemond, an Indian 
tribe, 61. 

Navirans, 9. 

Nechanichock, an Indian town, 21. 

Nelson, Francis, xliv., 5; brings 
over a re-enforcement and provi- 
sions, 60, 64 ; returns to England, 
76. 

Nelstrop, Rawland, xlv. 

Newport, Capt. Christopher, his ex- 
pedition to the West Indies, 
xxxvii. ; appointed to conduct 
the colony across the ocean, ib. ; 
his instructions, tb. ; repels an 
attack from the Indians, 3 ; one 
of the council, tb.; explores 
James River, 5 ; returns to Eng- 
land, 10; revisits the colony, 44; 
saves the life of Smith, 45 ; visits 
Powhatan, 47, 52-5S ; punishes 
the Nansemond Indians, 61 ; re- 
turns to England, 60. 

Nichols, John, xliv. 

Number in the colony, 11. 



1/ 



Index. 



85 



OcANAHONAN, an Indian place, 28. 

Opechancanough, a powerful Indian 
chief, brother of Powhatan, 25, 36, 
47) 56, 57» 5S; takes Smith pris- 
oner, 26; and conducts him to 
Powhatan, 32; his kindness, 59; 
plots the destruction of the col- 
ony, 76. 

Opitchapan, brother of Powhatan, 
25. 32, 58. 

Oraniocke, an Indian village, 20. 

Orapaks, a residence of Powhatan, 
23. 27. 



Pamaunke, king of, 11, 30, 33, 56, 
57, 58. 

Pamaunke, Pamauncks, or Pamun- 
kej River, 29, 39, 41, 47, 58, 69. 

Panawicke, Pananaioc, 47. 

Paspahegh, the territory near James- 
town, 9, 18, 28, 38, 43, 49, 51, 57, 
69, 70, 72. 
• Pataromerke, an Indian tribe, 36. 

Payankatank, a river, ^^. 

Pecock, Nathaniel, xliii. 

Pennington, John, xlii. 

Pennington, Robert, xliii. 

Perce, William, xliv. 

Percy, George, his narrative in Pur- 
chas, XXX. ; valuable, id. ; is men- 
tioned as a colonist, xlii. ; ac- 
count of him, 2; his narrative 
quoted, 2, 5, 10, 13; explores 
James River, 5. 

Perkins, Francis, xliv. xlv. 

Pewhatan, or Powhatan, a place, 7, 
17, 18, 30, 33; a river, 35. 

Phettiplace, William, xxi. xxii. 
xliv. 

Phittiplace, Michael, xliv. 

Phoenix, ship, arrives with a re- 



enforcement, 64; returns to Eng- 
land, 76. 

Pickhouse, Dru, xlii. 

Pising, Edward, xlii. 

Pocahontas, first mentioned, 72 ; her 
probable age, tb. ; married to 
Rolfe, id. ; sent by her father to 
Jamestown, ib. ; in England, 39; 
the account of her saving Smith's 
life, as contained in the " Gen- 
erall Historic," 34, 35; this ac- 
count fabulous, 38. 

Poole, Jonas, 5. 

Poore Cottage, Port Cotage, 6. 

Pory, Peter, xliv. 

Potapaco, Port Tobacco, 36. 

Pots, Richard, xxi. xxii. xxiii. xxv. 
xliv. 

Powell, John, xlv. 

Powell, Nathaniel, xxi. xxii. xlii. 

Powhatan, the Indian "Emperor," 
7, 23, 26, 27, 32 ; assisted in the 
destruction of Ralegh's colony, 
28; described, 33; extent of his 
dominions, ib. ; interview with 
Smith, 32-38; a second interview, 
49, 50; his kindness, 54, 56 ; a re- 
ceiver of stolen goods, 72 ; sends 
Pocahontas to Jamestown, 72. 

Pretty, George, xliv. 

Prodger, Richard, xliv. 

Profit, Jonas, xliii. 

Purchas, Samuel, republishes 
Smith's "Map of Virginia," in 
his "Pilgrimes," xxvi. ; calls 
Smith the author of the " True 
Relation," xviii. ; acknowledges 
his obligations to Smith, xxvii. ; 
prints an abstract of that tract in 
his "Pilgrimage," xxviii. ; dis- 
tinction between the " Pilgrimes " 
and the "Pilgrimage," xxx. 



86 



Index. 



Ralegh's Colony at Roanoke, 28, 
37- 

Ransack, Abram, xlv. 

Rasawrack, an Indian town, 30. 

Ratcliffe, or RatlifFe, Capt. John, 
commands one of the vessels of 
the emigration to Virginia, xl. 
xlii. ; one of the council, 3 ; his 
sickness, 12; president, 14, 60; 
deposed, 77. 

Read, James, blacksmith, xlii. ; 
condemned to death, but spared, 
21. 

Religious ceremonies of the Indians, 
41. 

Richmond, site of, 7, 30. 

Righkahauck, an Indian town, 21. 

Robinson, Jehu, xlii. 

Robinson, John, 24; slain by the In- 
dians, 26. 

Rodes, William, xlii. 

Rods, Christopher, xliv. 

Roonock, Roanoke, 37. 

Russell, Dr. Walter, xxi. xxii. xliv. 



Salvage, Savage, Thomas, an in- 
terpreter, 52, 70. 

Sands, Thomas, xlii. 

Savage, Richard, xlv. 

Savage, Thomas, xlv. 

Scot, Nicholas, xliii. 

Scrivener, Matthew, his arrival, 
xliv., 45; one of the council, 
45; visits Powhatan, 52-58; re- 
turns to Jamestown, 60; chosen 
president, 77. 

Short, John, xlii. 

Short, Old, xliii. 

Sicklemore, Michael, xliv. 

Sickness and death in the colony, 
12, 13. 



Simons, Richard, xlii. 

Simons, William, xliv. 

Simons, or Symonds, William, a 
clergyman, edits the second part 
of Smith's "Map of Virginia," 
xxiv. 

Skinner, Thomas, 5. 

Small, Robert, xlii. 

Smethes, William, xlii. 

Smith, Capt. John, the author of 
this tract, ix. x. ; his treatment on 
the voyage from England, xiii. ; 
his "Map of Virginia," xix. xxi. 
seq., xlii.; his " Generall His- 
torie " quoted passim ; his birth, 
&c., xlvi. ; one of the council, 3 ; 
explores James River, 5 ; impris- 
oned on a false suspicion, 11; 
liberated, ib. ; treasurer, 15 ; goes 
to Hampton for food, 16 ; goes to 
Topohanock, 18; goes to Chik- 
hamania for corn, 19 ; a second 
visit to that place, 20; a third 
visit, 21 ; explores the country on 
the Chickahominy, 23, 24; taken 
prisoner by the Indians, 26; kind- 
ly treated, 28 ; a savage attempts 
to slay him, 29; is conducted to 
Powhatan, 29-32 ; his interview 
with Powhatan, 32-38 ; the ac- 
count of the interview as given in 
the " Generall Historic," 34, 35 ; 
this account fabulous, 38-40 ; re- 
turns from captivity, 44; a plot 
to depose him and put him to 
death, ib. ; saved by Newport's 
opportune arrival from England, 
45 ; his second visit to Powhatan, 
48; his plan to proceed up the 
river is defeated, 65, 66 ; attacked 
by two Indians, 67; imprisons 
seven Indians, 68 ; releases them, 



Index. 



87 



74; his prudent dealing with In- 
dians, 74, 75 ; explores Chesa- 
peake Bay, 76 ; is chosen presi- 
dent, 77 ; hfs death, xlvi. ; his 
publications, ib. 

Smith, Sir Thomas, governor, 14. 

Snarsbrough, Francis, xlii. 

Somers, Sir George, xxxvi. 

South Sea, a passage thereto de- 
sired, xxxix. 

Sparks, Michael, publisher of 
Smith's " Generall Historie of 
Virginia," 39. 

Spearman, John, xliv. 

Spelman, or Spilman, Henry, his 
"Relation of Virginia," xxxv. 

Spence, William, xliv. 

Stallings, Daniel, xlv. 

Stevenson, John, xlii. 

Stith's " History of Virginia," xxxiv. 
xxxvii. 

Strachey's " Historie of Travaile," 
xxxiii., 72. 

Studley, Thomas, the treasurer, xxi. 
xxii. xlii. ; dies, 15. 



Tankard, William, xlii. 
Tappahanocke, Topahanocke, 9, 18, 

Taverner, John, xliv. 

Tavin, Henry, xlii. 

Throgmorton, Kellam, xlii. 

Todkill, Anas, xxi. xxii. xliii. 

Towtales, Larence, xlv. 

Tragabigzanda, a Turkish lady, 40. 

"True Relation," its author, ix. x.; 
its general character, xi. ; some 
portion of original not printed, 
X.* xii. ; cited by Purchas, xiii. ; 
only once reprinted, then with 
some omissions, xiv. ; several 



titlepages, ib. ; Mr. Collier thinks 
Watson the author, xvii. ; this 
opinion erroneous, ib. ; Smith the 
true author, xviii. ; omitted from 
Smith's " Generall Historie," 
XX. ; contemporary or parallel 
histories of the colony, xxi. seq. 

Turkey Point, 6. 

Turnbridge, Thomas, 5. 

Tyndall, Robert, 5. 

Unger, William, xlii. 

Ven, Nicholas, xlv. 
Vere, xlv. 

Virginia, climate, soil, &c., xxi. ; 
new charter of, xxxiv. 



Walker, George, xlii. 
Waller, John, xlii. 
Waranacomoco,Werowocomoco, the 
residence of Powhatan, 32, 33, 40, 

47> 59- 

Ward, William, xlv. 

Waroskoyak, a sachemdom, 17. 

Watkins, James, xliv. 

Watson, Thomas, not the author of 
this tract, x.* 

Weanock, a place on James River, 6, 
8, 19. 

Webbe, Thomas, xlii, 

Werawahone, an Indian town, 20. 

White, Benjamin, 5. 

White, William, xlii. 

Wiffin, or Wyffin, Richard, xxi. 
xliv. 

Wiles, Bishop, xlv. 

Wilkinson, William, xliii. 

Wingfield, Edward Maria, one of 
the patentees of the Virginia col- 
ony, xxxvi. xlii. ; his "Discourse 



88 



Index. 



of Virginia," xi. xxxii. ; cited by 
Purchas, xxxiii. ; one of the coun- 
cil, 3 ; president, tb.; wounded 
by the Indians, lo; his alleged 
misconduct, 13 ; deposed, 14; de- 
fends his conduct, tb.; his account 
of Smith's captivity, 38 ; returns 
to England, 60. 
Women, first arrival of in the col- 
ony, xlv. 



Worley, Richard, xliv. 
Wotton, Thomas, chirurgeon, xlii. ; 
explores James River, 5. ' 



YoNG, William, xlv. 
Youghtanan, or Pamunkey River, 

29- 30, 58- 
Youghtanund, Youghtomam, an In- 
dian territory, 33, 41. 



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